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The Lives of Talleyrand is a study of the character and...)
The Lives of Talleyrand is a study of the character and actions of the man who so profoundly influenced the destiny of the French Revolution and helped to shape the contours of all Europe as well. The requisite historical background is of course given, but it is the many-faceted personality of Talleyrand which the author has made it his task to portray--and he has done so with discrimination and wit.
Extraits Des Memoires Du Prince de Talleyrand-Perigord, Ancien Eveque D'Autun, Vol. 1 (Classic Reprint) (French Edition)
(Excerpt from Extraits des Memoires du Prince de Talleyran...)
Excerpt from Extraits des Memoires du Prince de Talleyrand-Perigord, Ancien Eveque d'Autun, Vol. 1
Ces fragments authentiques, loin d'avoir ete de mentis et argues de faux par les reclamations du prince, leur illustre auteur, parurent, au con traire, avec son approbation eclatante, car il sa vait comment ils etaient sortis du secret de son cabinet. La prudence de la depositaire ne lui permit pas, a cette epoque, de faire imprimer tout ce qu'elle possedait de precieux extraits des dits memoioes du prince. Mais a cette lme ou le trepas a enleve l'ancien eveque d'autun a toute responsabilite, on peut, sans craindre de lui deplaire ou de le mettre en fausse position politique et amicale le montrer tel qu'il s'est peint lui - meme dans une sorte de precis, resume complet de ses memoires originaux, et tels qu'il a peint les personnages connus de son temps.
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Memoirs Of The Prince De Talleyrand, Volume 3; Memoirs Of The Prince De Talleyrand; Raphaël Ledos De Beaufort
Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord (prince de Bénévent)
Albert de Broglie
Raphaël Ledos de Beaufort, Mrs. Angus W. Hall
G.P. Putnam's sons, 1891
History; Europe; France; Congress of Vienna/ (1814-1815); France; History / Europe / France
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Unique in his own age and a phenomenon in any, Charles-...)
Unique in his own age and a phenomenon in any, Charles-Maurice, Prince de Talleyrand, was a statesman of outstanding ability and extraordinary contradictions. He was a world-class rogue who held high office in five successive regimes. A well-known opportunist and a notorious bribe taker, Talleyrand's gifts to France arguably outvalued the vast personal fortune he amassed in her service. Once a supporter of the Revolution, after the fall of the monarchy, he fled to England and then to the United States. Talleyrand returned to France two years later and served under Napoleon, and represented France at the Congress of Vienna. Duff Cooper's classic biography contains all the vigor, elegance, and intellect of its remarkable subject.
(This book was digitized and reprinted from the collection...)
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Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was a French statesman and politician.
Background
Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord was born in Paris on February 13, 1754, into one of the most ancient and distinguished families of the French nobility. His father, Count Daniel de Talleyrand-Périgord, was 20 years of age when Charles was born. His mother was Alexandrine de Damas d'Antigny. Both his parents held positions at court, but as cadets of their respective families, had no important income. From childhood, Talleyrand walked with a limp.
Education
Talleyrand was a pupil at the Collège d'Harcourt in Paris and then took theological training at the Seminary of Saint Sulpice between 1770 and 1773 and at the Sorbonne, where he obtained his licentiate in theology in 1778.
Career
His father compelled him to accept a career in the Church over Talleyrand's protests, for he had no vocation as a priest. But he took Holy Orders in 1775. His rapid promotions came to him as an ecclesiastical administrator with powerful backing, not as a shepherd of souls. His first important post was as general agent for the assembly of the French clergy in 1780, negotiating with the government for the "voluntary" payments made by churchmen in lieu of the taxes from which they were exempt.
Then, in 1788, he was appointed bishop of Autun and was consecrated the next year, as the French Revolution was about to begin. Elected to the Estates General as a deputy of the clergy, Talleyrand quickly showed that he wished the First Estate to cooperate in the transformation of the Old Regime into a new order, even at the expense of its own privileges. Passing over into open opposition to the court, he was influential in persuading his fellow ecclesiastics to join the Third Estate in the newly proclaimed National Assembly on June 19, 1789.
He proposed on October 10 that the vast properties of the Church be put at the disposal of the state in exchange for salaries to be paid by the state, and in line with this policy he accepted the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and was one of the consecrators of the new bishops established under its provisions. For these violations of Church discipline, Pope Pius VI excommunicated Talleyrand in 1791. His report on public education in September 1791 won wide praise for its principles but was never applied.
In 1792 Talleyrand repeatedly went to England as an unofficial envoy with the mission of keeping that country neutral in the war beginning with Austria and Prussia, but the French invasion of the Austrian Netherlands (Belgium) as well as the rise of revolutionary extremism, culminating in the execution of Louis XVI, brought England into the war in 1793. Talleyrand, condemned as an émigré by the Revolutionary authorities at home, was expelled by England in 1794, and he went to the United States for 2 years. There he visited many parts of the country and probably engaged in land speculation.
In 1796, after the formation of the Directory, Talleyrand returned to France. He was named to the Institute and became foreign minister in July 1797. He took part in the coup d'etat of 18 Fructidor (September 4, 1797), which confirmed the republican regime against royalist conspiracies, and he pocketed a fortune in bribes from those who wanted his favor (although the American negotiators in the "XYZ affair" not only rebuffed his demands for money but made them public on their return home). He was forced to resign the Foreign Ministry in July 1799, when his republicanism fell under suspicion.
His destiny then became intertwined with that of Gen. Napoleon Bonaparte, whose expedition to Egypt Talleyrand had sponsored and whom he helped to come to power in the coup d'etat of 18 Brumaire (November 9, 1799). Napoleon's Foreign Minister Talleyrand served as foreign minister for Napoleon under the Consulate and the Empire until August 1807 and was rewarded in 1804 with the post of grand chamberlain and in 1806 with the title of Prince de Benevento (French, Bénévent). However, his relations with the Emperor became clouded as Napoleon's obsessive aggressiveness became clear to him.
Talleyrand wanted to end the exhausting wars against the recurring European coalitions by making peace with England and Russia, the principal foes, on terms that preserved for France its major territorial gains. Remaining in the Emperor's service, he began a perilous game of intrigues designed to thwart his master's ambitions.
In 1808 at Erfurt he encouraged Czar Alexander I to resist Napoleon's demands and was dismissed in 1809 by the suspicious Napoleon but allowed to reside at his country estate. However, after the invasion of Russia in 1812, Talleyrand began a secret correspondence with Louis XVIII and, as head of a provisional government established on April 1, 1814, was a principal figure in the King's first restoration.
Congress of Vienna Again named foreign minister, Talleyrand skillfully maneuvered to win the full support of the Allies for the Bourbons, obtained relatively favorable terms for France in the first Peace of Paris, then played upon the dissensions of the victors to gain a place for France among the negotiators at the Congress of Vienna, and finally turned the victors against each other to France's advantage. This brilliant feat of diplomacy was partly dimmed by the wrath of the Allies when France welcomed Napoleon back in the Hundred Days, but the final peace terms that emerged from the Vienna negotiations brought France back to its prerevolutionary frontiers.
Upon the second restoration of Louis XVIII, Talleyrand served as prime minister and foreign minister from July until September, but the ultra royalists who dominated the new government were less forgiving than the king, least of all of an apostate bishop, and Talleyrand lost his office. However, he received the title of Duc de Dino in 1815, in place of the princely title of Benevento, which had been extinguished with Napoleon's departure, and in 1817 he became Duc de Talleyrand-Périgord. During the remainder of the reign of Louis XVIII, Talleyrand was a member of the Chamber of Peers, where he often voted against the government.
After the Revolution of 1830, in which he was a minor participant but encouraged Louis Philippe to take the crown, Talleyrand was sent to London as ambassador. He negotiated an agreement with England, upon recognition of the new independent Belgian state, that was favorable to French interests. The signing of the Quadruple Alliance of 1834 (with England, Spain, and Portugal), which assured Anglo-French collaboration in support of the constitutional government in Spain against the Carlist rebels, was Talleyrand's final achievement as a diplomat.
He died in Paris on May 17, 1838, soon after becoming reconciled with the Roman Catholic Church.
It was his family's decision that he should enter the Roman Catholic Church, and the boy reluctantly acquiesced.
In October he put forward the radical motion that Church lands should be administered by the state, used as collateral for the security of the enormous public debt, and, if necessary, sold for debt redemption. He stipulated, however, that the state should provide the secular clergy with adequate salaries and that it should assume the cost of poor relief and education.
In consequence he was regarded by the papacy as a principal author of the religious schism into which France then plunged, and he was excommunicated in 1792.
Before the death he was reconciled with the Roman Catholic Church.
Politics
Even before 1789 Talleyrand's political views coincided with those of the liberal aristocracy that wished to transform the Bourbon autocracy into a limited constitutional monarchy on the English model. He was also a member of the semisecret Committee of Thirty, which, on the eve of the Revolution, provided the "patriotic" party that espoused this reform with its program and electoral slogans.
Utterly unprincipled in his political conduct, he always contended, and sometimes with justice, that in his successive changes of political front he had followed the best interests of France. In foreign affairs he was the disciple of Louis XV's foreign minister, the Duc de Choiseul, a firm believer in the Franco-Austrian alliance and a stern critic of the European instability created by the partitions of Poland. It was because that instability was further increased by the messianic expansionism of the French Revolution and by the dynastic imperialism of Napoleon that Talleyrand, between 1808 and 1815, sought peace and security in secret alliance with the forces of European conservatism. When conservatism after 1815 degenerated into reaction, he reverted to his pre-Revolutionary liberalism and sought his final compromise in the institutions of the July Monarchy, buttressed by a close association with Britain in foreign affairs.
Views
Quotations:
"Society is divided into two classes: the shearers and the shorn. We should always be with the former against the latter."
"A woman will sometimes forgive the man who tries to seduce her, but never the man who misses an opportunity when offered."
"Since the masses are always eager to believe something, for their benefit nothing is so easy to arrange as facts."
"What clever man has ever needed to commit a crime? Crime is the last resort of political half-wits."
"Never speak ill of yourself, your friends will always say enough on that subject."
"I found there a country with thirty-two religions and only one sauce."
"If you wish to be popular in society consent to be taught many things you already know."
"Only a man who has loved a woman of genius can appreciate what happiness there is in loving a fool."
"The art of statesmanship is to foresee the inevitable and to expedite its occurrence."
"The art of putting the right men in the right places is first in the science of government; but that of finding places for the discontented is the most difficult."
"God gave humans language so they could conceal their thoughts from one another."
"An important art of politicians is to find new names for institutions which under old names have become odious to the public."
Membership
He was one of the first members of the moderate Feuillant club.
Personality
Talleyrand has been an extraordinarily difficult figure for historians to understand and appraise. His moral corruption is beyond question: he was an unabashed liar and deceiver; he not only took but sought bribes from those with whom he was negotiating; and he lived with a niece as his mistress for decades. He repeatedly shifted political allegiance without visible compunction and possessed no political principle on which he would stand firm to the last; and he was also at least technically guilty of treason, engaging in secret negotiations with the public enemies of his country while in its service. Yet closer scrutiny of what Talleyrand did shows an apparent steady purpose beneath the crust of arrogant contempt for the ordinary standards of mankind's judgment, expressed in the comment attributed to him on the kidnaping and execution of the Duc d'Enghien at Napoleon's command: "It was worse than a crime, it was a mistake."
Talleyrand had his own vision of the interests of France, which lay in making the transition from the Old Regime to the new as painless as possible, at the same time preserving the territorial interests of the French nation. His fidelity to whichever persons happened to be at the head of the French state lasted at best only as long as their power, but this matchless cynic seems to have possessed genuine devotion for France as a country, and his apparent treasons can be seen as the products of a higher loyalty. Yet this picture of him may be false, for Talleyrand destroyed many of the records by which the truth regarding his career could have been more closely reached. It is easier to decide his guilt than to specify what he was guilty of, easier to affirm his deeper innocence than to prove it. The problem lies both in the man himself and in the eye of the beholder.
Talleyrand had a reputation as a voluptuary and a womaniser.
Connections
Four his possible children have been identified: Charles Joseph, comte de Flahaut, generally accepted to be an illegitimate son of Talleyrand; the painter Eugène Delacroix, once rumoured to be Talleyrand's son, though this is doubted by historians who have examined the issue (for example, Léon Noël, French ambassador); the "Mysterious Charlotte", possibly his daughter by his future wife, Catherine Worlée Grand, who he married in September 1802; and Pauline, ostensibly the daughter of the Duke and Duchess Dino.
Father:
Charles Daniel de Talleyrand-Périgord
Mother:
Alexandrine Victoire Eleonore de Talleyrand-Périgord (Damas d'd'Antigny-Ruffey-Chevreau-Breuil)
Wife:
Catherine Worlée Grand
Daughter:
Pauline Joséphine de Talleyrand Périgord
Daughter:
Julie Zulme
Son:
Auguste Charles Joseph Flahaut de la Billarderie MP