Background
Eugen Richter was born on July 30, 1838 in Düsseldorf, Germany.
(This book is a remarkable discovery, as fresh today as wh...)
This book is a remarkable discovery, as fresh today as when it was first translated in 1893. It is a novel of life under socialism by Eugene Richter, a German liberal of the 19th century. Prophetic is not quite the word for this book. Richter saw with chilling clarity what would happen under socialistic control. The economy would be smashed. Families would be destroyed. The population would be grow poorer by the day. The state would be unleashed to crush political dissent and lock everyone into a national prison. None of the ideals would be achieved. The novel's narrative voice, however, is blinded by ideological loyalty to the cause. As he describes the calamity, he justifies it all in the name of progress, equality, and fairness to all. The reader, then, experiences the horrors of the events and then also the horrors of the intellectual twists and turns that some people will undertake to keep the disaster happening as long as possible. To remember that this was written before any country actually experienced the total state is astonishing, page by page. The tone of the narrative is chillingly light and detached. Meanwhile, the events taking place make the blood run cold. The novel not only fulfills Mises's own predictions of life under socialism; it anticipates them long before any country embraced socialism as a system. This is the book that shouts out, as clearly as any ever written: we were warned! Pictures of a Socialistic Future even succeeds as a novel. It is gripping to read, even deeply painful in many places. Once can imagine that this work is capable of shaking the faith of even the most diehard socialist. 160 pages, 6x9
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(Originally published in 1890. This volume is produced fro...)
Originally published in 1890. This volume is produced from digital images from the Saxon State and University Library holdings in cooperation with the eBooks on Demand (EOD) network.
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(Originally published in 1890. This volume is produced fro...)
Originally published in 1890. This volume is produced from digital images from the Saxon State and University Library holdings in cooperation with the eBooks on Demand (EOD) network.
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(Originally published in 1874. This volume is produced fro...)
Originally published in 1874. This volume is produced from digital images from the Zentralbibliothek Zürich: Kantons-, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek holdings in cooperation with the eBooks on Demand (EOD) network.
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(This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. T...)
This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book. ++++ The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to ensure edition identification: ++++ Sozialdemokratische Zukunftsbilder: Frei Nach Bebel Eugen Richter Verlagsanstalt Deutsche Presse, 1907 Socialism; Utopias
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Eugen Richter was born on July 30, 1838 in Düsseldorf, Germany.
Richter attended the Gymnasium in his home town of Düsseldorf. In 1856 he began to study Law and Economics, first at the University of Bonn, and later at the Berlin and Heidelberg. He obtained a law degree in 1859.
He entered the government service, being stationed in his native town. In 1864 he was chosen burgomaster of Neuwied; but he was already known for his Liberal opinions, and the government refused to confirm the appointment. He was hereupon transferred to Bromberg, in East Prussia, which to an inhabitant of the Rhineland was the worst form of exile, and in consequence he resigned his place in the public service. He now Went to Berlin, where he earned his living, as a journalist. He was the most consistent advocate of those doctrines of laissez faire and individual liberty which the Germans call Manchestertum. He was also keenly interested in the attempts made at that period to create cooperative societies among, the working men, and wrote a work on co-operative stores. It was not long before he came into conflict with the government; an electioneering pamphlet published in 1867 was confiscated; he was put on his trial but acquitted. In 1867 he was elected a member of the newly formed Reichstag, and in 1869 of the Prussian parliament. In 1885 he founded the Freisinnige Zeilung, which he edited himself; of his numerous brochures the most successful was his attack on Socialism, entitled Sozialdemokratische Zukunftsbilder. (Berlin, 1891), a clever and successful satire on the Socialist state of the future. This has been translated into the English. He also wrote much on Prussian finance, and under the title Das politische А, В, С Buck compiled a very useful political handbook for Radical voters. He also published in 1892 reminiscences of his youth, and two volumes of parliamentary reminiscences.
(This book is a remarkable discovery, as fresh today as wh...)
(This is a reproduction of a book published before 1923. T...)
(Originally published in 1890. This volume is produced fro...)
(Originally published in 1890. This volume is produced fro...)
(Originally published in 1874. This volume is produced fro...)
A member of the Progressive party, in 1880 one of the founders, and eventually the leader, of the Freisinnige, he was always in opposition. Next to Windthorst he was Bismarck's most dangerous opponent. After the great change of policy in 1878, for a time his influence was a great impediment to the government; as a consistent adherent to free trade, he was the leader of the opposition to the introduction of protection, to the new colonial policy, and to State Socialism. It was after 1880 that he raised the cry Bismarck muss fort. He always took a great part in debates on the military and naval establishments, in vain opposing the constant increase of army and navy. It was his refusal to support the government proposals in 1893 for an increase of the army which led to the break up of his party: he was left with only eleven followers; and, except among the middle class of Berlin and some other Prussian cities, the old Radical party, of which he was the chief representative, from that time had little influence in the country.
