Background
Nothing is known about his background.
Nothing is known about his background.
He was educated locally.
Fang led all these delegations except the one to Japan in 1961. He was also scheduled to visit Japan in January 1956 but the Japanese government refused the group visas. Like virtually every Chinese leader who has traveled to international meetings in the 1960’s, Fang has come into open conflict with Soviet (or pro-Soviet) delegates. In his case, this occurred in Brazil in July 1963. He was attending a students’ seminar on the underdeveloped world, which was soon characterized by open Si no-Soviet polemics; the Indians joined in, taking the occasion to attack the Chinese over the Sino-Indian border conflict in 1962. Fang tried to retort to these charges but was denied the floor by the chairman even though, according to the Chinese account, he was “entitled” to it.
Fang’s intimate ties with international Communist liaison activities have been reflected in numerous other ways. From about 1953 to 1956 he served as a deputy director of the International Liaison Department of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, in February 1957 in Shanghai he signed an agreement with a visiting Japanese teachers’ union on the strengthening of ties between Chinese and Japanese teachers and in September 1960 he signed a joint statement with a Cuban teachers’ group which also proposed increased lies. By December 1961 Fang was serving as an alternate member of the General Council of the World Federation of Trade Unions, the parent organization of the World Federation of Teachers’ Unions with which he has been so active; he continues to hold this position. He was named to the national council (and standing committee) of the China-Ceylon Friendship Association, which was formed in September 1962 (just a few days after Fang had returned to China from Ceylon, as already noted), and when a China-Japan Friendship Association was established in October 1963, he was named to the national council. In addition, Fang is almost always a participant in the negotiations with and festivities for visiting educational groups, he has been particularly associated with visiting Japanese delegations and, from about 1960, with visiting Africans. He was therefore a logical candidate for participation in the Peking Scientific Symposium, held in August 1964 and attended by 367 delegates from 44 nations, mainly African, Asian, or Latin American countries. And at the close of the symposium, Fang was among those who signed a “protest” against American imperialist aggression” in Vietnam.
Although Fang’s work has been overwhelmingly international in orientation, he has taken a limited part in domestic affairs. From May 1951 to an undetermined date he served as a member of the Shanghai government’s Culture and Education Committee; in December 1951 he was named to membership on an East China committee to study the thought of Mao Tse-tung, and at the seventh and eighth congresses of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (held, respectively, in May 1953 and December 1957), he was elected an alternate member of the Federation’s executive committee; he continues to hold the post. In August 1956 he was elected to the Fourth Central Committee of the China Association for Promoting Democracy, one of the eight “democratic” (or non-Communist) political parties in China; he was re-elected to the central committee in December 1958 and was elevated at the same time to the standing committee. Though most members of the “democratic’ parties are not Communist Party members, there are a number of important exceptions. Although specific evidence is lacking, it would seem almost certain that Fang (so often entrusted to represent Peking abroad) is a Party member, In 1964 he was elected a deputy from Shanghai to the Third NPC, which held its first session in December 1964-January 1965. As already mentioned, Fang worked in Shanghai in the early 1950’s. This further association with Shanghai in 1964 suggests that he may be native to Shanghai or some other part of East China.