Taxation and Taxes in the United States, Under the Internal Revenue System, 1791-1895: An Historical Sketch of the Organization, Development, and ... Under the Constitution (Classic Reprint)
(Excerpt from Taxation and Taxes in the United States, Und...)
Excerpt from Taxation and Taxes in the United States, Under the Internal Revenue System, 1791-1895: An Historical Sketch of the Organization, Development, and Later Modification of Direct and Excise Taxation Under the Constitution
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This work has been selected by scholars as being cultur...)
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This work has been selected by scholars as being cultur...)
This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.
This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.
As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
Wisconsin an Experiment in Democracy (Classic Reprint)
(Excerpt from Wisconsin an Experiment in Democracy
If the...)
Excerpt from Wisconsin an Experiment in Democracy
If the state is corrupt, the cities will reflect its conditions. Nor can the national government rise above its source. It will mirror the machinery of nomination and election, as well as the character of the legislature, which selects the members of the United States senate.
The state is the source of civil and criminal law, of domestic and industrial relations. It is the guardian of the peace, of the health and education of the people. It controls the roads and highways. It regulates the railroads and common carriers. Industrial and labor legislation fall within its juris diction, as does the care of women and child workers.
Its taxing power is ample to promote a social policy. Only the federal taxes are denied to it. It can tax and through taxation destroy, as it does in the liquor business. It controls education. Our west ern states have developed a comprehensive pro gramme of higher education. They are extending it to all classes by extension teaching and the appli cation oi scientific methods to agriculture. The indigent, unfortunate, and criminal classes are wards of the state, while the promotion of almost any policy for the improvement of social conditions is within its power. Wisconsin has raised the state from the low estate into which it had fallen and converted it into a vital political agency. It is utilizing the latent powers of commonwealth building. Twenty years ago Wisconsin was not unlike other states. Its legislature was discredited and corrupt. The bien nial bartering of legislation, of place and privilege, the boss and machine control were not dissimilar from conditions disclosed in other states. All this has passed away. In a few years time Wis consin has become the most efficient commonwealth in the Union. Of the honesty of the legislative and administrative departments there is no question. Executive offices are filled with trained men who are animated by enthusiasm for the public service.
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This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
The British City, the Beginnings of Democracy (Classic Reprint)
(Excerpt from The British City, the Beginnings of Democrac...)
Excerpt from The British City, the Beginnings of Democracy
This issue overshadows all others. It Obtrudes from every page Of the press. It is present in every party conference. Monopoly, or the desire for monopoly, the creation Of franchises, grants or subsidies, the exemption Of property from taxation or. Regulation - these are the motives which run throughout our politics to the exclusion Of almost every other consideration. Democracy is like a majestic organ from which a splendid symphony is awaited. It has been attuned to the ideals Of builders, who dreamt Of the concord Of harmony that it would produce. But the organist knows little and cares less for the dreams of the makers. It is he and not the organ that makes the melody. And he has degraded the instrument to the produc tion Of dance hall music. So, back Of the many political agencies, that have been laboriously created for the expression Of the popular will, are to be found the interests which have compelled democracy to respond to the creation Of privi leges that must be paid for by the labour Of the people.
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This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
("It Is far and away the finest political satire on presen...)
"It Is far and away the finest political satire on present-day American politics, a book that every thinking patriotic citizen should read." (Arena 1906)
An autobiography "showing how easily a man of medium capacity and no scruples can accumulate a fortune by exploiting public franchises and 'playing Wall street.'" (N. Y. Times, 1906)
The narrative by Frederic C. Howe, entitled "The Confessions of a Monopolist 1906," tells the story of an American business man who exploits special privilege and makes society work for him, and so gains great power and becomes a United States Senator. This story draws strong statements from the press. It is " the deadliest text-book of practical politics that ever was printed "; "a masterpiece of cold-blooded satire "; "the condensation of all the recent muckraking"; "as racy as any romance"; etc.
In introducing his book, the author writes:
"Here is the confession of a monopolist. It is the story of no one monopolist, but of all monopolists. It shows the rules of the game. The portrait presented is not the portrait of any one monopolist Senator; it is the composite of many, and the setting may be laid in any one of the Northern States. For the United States Senate is the refuge of monopoly."
Dr. FREDERIC C. HOWE (1867- 1940), was an author, lawyer, reformer, was born in Meadville, Pa. He was director of the People's Institute (1911-14) and commissioner of immigration for the port (1914-19). In 1932 Roosevelt appointed him as consumers' counsel in the Agricultural Adjustment Administration.
William Marion Reedy said of this book in his “Mirror”:
“If you want to catch on to the “great game' of getting rich quick and easy; if you would know the secret of getting things for nothing and having a whole community work for you without pay. It murders the fiction that the people govern themselves, for it deals with things that you see, but do not heed, going on around you every day. . . Anyone can understand it. No one can refute it. It should open men's minds to the infamy of the methods of privilege, with startling light. It is the world of graft in microcosm.”
"Never before has a work appeared in which the methods of the high financiers and political bosses have been more clearly exposed. Here the reader is made to see how certain feats that appear from before the footlights as little short of miraculous are performed. Here he sees how by learning the rules of the game a modern high financier Is able to divert the wealth of thousands into the till of the crafty monopolists; how, In short, the thousands are made to labor for the few. Just as actually as in the days of the feudal lords the serfs slaved for the barons. And here he fees how politics are made the handmaid of the modern plutocracy In Its attempt to enslave labor while destroying the soul of democracy." (Arena, 1906)
Other books by the author include:
(1896). Taxation and Taxes in the United States.
(1897). The City of Cleveland in Relation to the Street Railway Question.
(1905). The City: the Hope of Democracy.
(1906). The Confessions of a Monopolist.
(1907). The British City: The Beginnings of Democracy.
(1910). Privilege and Democracy in America.
(1912). Wisconsin: An Experiment in Democracy.
(1913). European Cities at Work.
(1914). The Modern City and Its Problems.
(1916). Why War.
(1917). The High Cost of Living.
(1919). The Land and the Soldier.
(1919). The Only Possible Peace.
(1921). Denmark: a Cooperative Commonwealth.
(1921). Revolution and Democracy.
(1925). The Confessions of a Reformer.
Frederic Clemson Howe was an American lawyer, public servant, and reformer.
Background
Howe was born in Meadville, Pa. in 1867. He was the eldest of four children and only son of Andrew Jackson and Jane (Clemson) Howe. Both parents were American born, the father of Scotch-Irish stock, the mother of Swedish-Quaker descent. The elder Howe's business was the manufacture of furniture, which he retailed locally.
Education
His formal education he acquired at Allegheny College in Meadville (A. B. , 1889), Johns Hopkins (Ph. D. , 1892), and the University of Halle, Germany.
Career
Although he had set his heart on journalism since boyhood and directed his education with this in view, Howe was unable to find employment in the hard times of 1892-93 and had to abandon this prospect for the law. After preparing himself at the University of Maryland and New York law schools, he settled in Cleveland in 1894, joining the law firm of Harry and James Garfield, sons of the former president. This was a happy and successful association for Howe. But the law never engaged more than a part of his energy.
Driven by his Methodist-Quaker inheritance, he took on public services, social settlement work, the secretaryship of the Municipal Association, and the position of city councilman (1901 - 03). There he came to know the man who had the strongest influence on his life, Cleveland's great reform mayor, Tom L. Johnson. The Mayor dramatized for the young lawyer the process of civic reform and converted him to Henry George's doctrines. As a Johnson lieutenant, Howe served in the Ohio senate, 1906-08, and on the Cleveland Tax Commission, 1909-10.
Taxation was one of his major interests. He published several studies, the most comprehensive of which was Taxation and Taxes in the United States (1896). He also made himself expert in municipal problems by studying cities here and in Europe. In 1905 appeared his The City: the Hope of Democracy, followed later by volumes on British and continental cities. In these studies he presented his ideal of "the civic revival" as a dynamic movement to improve the citizen economically, culturally, and morally by proper planning of the environment.
By 1910 Howe's legal practice had netted him a modest fortune, and he decided to withdraw from the law and from Cleveland. Moving to New York City, he was for three years director of the People's Institute, a cultural project. Simultaneously he found time to engage in national politics, helping to found the National Progressive Republican League in 1911 to support Robert La Follette, but losing interest when Theodore Roosevelt supplanted the Wisconsin Senator as leader of the Progressives. In the 1912 election Howe voted for his friend from Johns Hopkins days, Woodrow Wilson, and two years later he accepted an appointment from the new President to be Commissioner of Immigration of the Port of New York.
In charge of Ellis Island, he welcomed the opportunity to introduce a sense of humanity into the care of alien arrivals. But later this post became a nightmare to him. He was harassed by witch-hunters and investigated by a hostile congressional committee for his outspoken condemnation of munitions makers and other "war mongers" in 1915-16 and for his bold support of free speech and resistance to the summary deportations of alien suspects during the anti-Red hysteria of 1919. He resigned in September of that year, disillusioned not only by this experience but also by what he had witnessed at the Paris Peace Conference, which he had attended as a consultant on Eastern Mediterranean affairs. There, he believed, President Wilson had bartered away his expressed ideals and had devised a League of Nations which was "a league of conquest rather than a covenant of freedom" (The Confessions of a Reformer, p. 314).
With remarkable resilience, however, Howe promptly plunged into other public causes, promoting the Plumb Plan for government ownership and management of the railroads and helping the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers to found a cooperative bank in Cleveland. A cooperative society of producers was another of his visions, inspired by the example of Denmark, on which he had written from first-hand knowledge. As a means of organizing the farmer-labor vote in the congressional elections of 1922, he helped to establish the Conference for Progressive Political Action, a forerunner of the Progressive party which was formed two years later.
Howe served the party's candidate, La Follette, as a research assistant. Once again he retreated from politics to cultural pursuits, directing "The School of Opinion" on Nantucket Island in the summers, studying and traveling in Europe in the winters. Franklin D. Roosevelt's election in 1932, which Howe actively supported by rallying old progressives, brought a return to public life. Howe was appointed consumers' counsel in the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, from which post he tried to organize all consumers into vigilante groups to war on food profiteers. Again he was dogged by his past radicalism, charged with being implicated in an alleged "brain trust" plot to supplant the President. In a reshuffle of the AAA in 1935 he was demoted to special adviser to the Secretary of Agriculture. He left in 1937 to become a consultant to the president of the Philippines on farm tenancy and cooperatives. Upon the completion of that assignment he made a study of European banking. He was preparing this for publication when he died of a heart ailment in the Martha's Vineyard Hospital, Oak Bluffs, Massachussets He was buried in Greendale Cemetery, Meadville, Pa.
Achievements
His vision of the city, not as the failure but as the hope of democracy, influenced the thinking of a generation of Americans. By defending free speech and fair trial in the face of persecution he helped to calm the wave of anti-Bolshevik hysteria and restore confidence in our traditional civil rights. He aided in reviving a cooperative movement among labor unions. It was a mark of his modesty and altruism that he selflessly devoted himself to these causes without thought of popular acclaim. His career is important to the historian as a bridge between the progressive era and the New Deal.
(Excerpt from The British City, the Beginnings of Democrac...)
Politics
A limitation was his tendency to oversimplify complex problems, to see them in black and white. Municipal ownership of utilities was good, private ownership was bad. The propertied class, corrupted by law-made privileges, was not to be trusted to rule; labor, on the other hand, was untainted, incorruptible, and could safely be granted power. He seems equally naive and doctrinaire about imperialism, war, and the Versailles Peace Treaty.
Personality
In his autobiography Howe presents a candid picture of his inward struggles, of his own weaknesses and strengths. One of his most persistent personal problems was to harmonize the divisive elements in his personality – the strain of hedonism and a Methodist conscience, a pacific temperament and a fighting obstinacy, the desire for and achievement of material success and an impractical, doctrinaire idealism. This schizophrenia accounts, in part, for the oscillations in his career.
Connections
His wife, Marie H. Jenney, whom he had married in 1904, predeceased him in 1934. A Unitarian minister before her marriage, she was also a prominent feminist. The Howes had no children.