(The Arusha Declaration and the speeches and political Wri...)
The Arusha Declaration and the speeches and political Writings by President Nyerere of Tanzania contained in this compact selection, provide the ideological framework used to build the socialistic society there. They provide an explanation of Ujamaa, or family-hoot, and outline its policy implications in many important fields.
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(This edited volume is about the rekindled investment in t...)
This edited volume is about the rekindled investment in the figure of the first president Julius K. Nyerere in contemporary Tanzania. It explores how Nyerere is remembered by Tanzanians from different levels of society, in what ways and for what purposes. Looking into what Nyerere means and stands for today, it provides insight into the media, the political arena, poetry, the education sector, or street-corner talks. The main argument of this book is that Nyerere has become a widely shared political metaphor used to debate and contest conceptions of the Tanzanian nation and Tanzanian-ness. The state-citizens relationship, the moral standards for the exercise of power, and the contours of national sentiment are under scrutiny when the figure of Nyerere is mobilized today. The contributions gathered here come from a generation of budding or renowned scholars in varied disciplines - history, anthropology and political science. Drawing upon materials collected through extensive fieldwork and archival research, they all critically engage the existing literature about Tanzania and prevailing political narratives to explore how nationhood is (re)imagined in Tanzania today through assent and contest.
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philosopher politician statesman
Julius Nyerere was born on 13 April 1922 at Butiama (now Tanzania), the son of Nyerere Burito and his eighteenth wife, Mugaya. Nyerere Burito (1860 - 1942) was one of the several chiefs of the Zanaki, a small tribal grouping of less than 50, 000 individuals.
Julius Nyerere early demonstrated a lively intellect; he was sent to the Native Authority School at Musoma, where he impressed his teachers enough to be encouraged to attempt entry to the important Tanganyika Government School at Tabora.
Nyerere entered Makerere University College in January 1943, where he became one of a group of lively young East Africans discussing the political problems of their countries, which then were all under British rule. He was especially noted for his debating abilities. In 1949, he received a government scholarship to attend the University of Edinburgh, where he earned an undergraduate Master of Arts degree in Economics and History in 1952.
Later in life he received honorary degrees from the University of Edinburgh (UK), Duquesne University (USA), University of Cairo (Egypt), University of Nigeria (Nigeria), University of Ibadan (Nigeria), University of Liberia (Liberia), University of Toronto (Canada), Howard University (USA), Jawaharlal Nehru University (India), University of Havana (Cuba), National University of Lesotho, University of the Philippines, Fort Hare University (South Africa), Sokoine University of Agriculture (Tanzania), and Lincoln University (USA).
Receiving his diploma of education in 1945, Nyerere returned to Tanganyika to teach history and biology at St. Mary's College, Tabora, a Roman Catholic secondary school.
Julius began his political life by joining the Tanganyika African Association, an organization founded in 1929 by British officials to provide a discussion forum for African opinion. He was elected treasurer of the Tabora branch. The association, however, was not a very vital body, since most educated Africans in Tanganyika were in government service, which by British decision precluded them from any overt political activity. Nyerere decided that he needed more education, he received a master's degree in 1952 and returned to Tanganyika, where he was appointed history master at St. Francis' College, Pugu, near the country's capital, Dar es Salaam. As one of the few Africans with a Western education in Tanganyika, Nyerere was soon caught up in political life.
In April 1953 Julius was elected president of the Tanganyika, African Association, devoting his energies to an effort to revitalize that organization into an effective medium for African interests. Perceiving that this was a hopeless task, he organized a new group and on July 7, 1954, announced the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). It was the first African political body within Tanganyika; Nyerere was unanimously elected president.
By this period Nyerere was devoting so much time to politics that he found it necessary, in 1955, to resign his teaching post. He did this with considerable regret, for he loved teaching, a fact illustrated by the name most commonly applied to him today within his country, mwalimu, the teacher. Without fixed employment, and lacking any personal fortune, Nyerere spent a very difficult period of his life as he traveled widely within Tanganyika to further organize TANU.
Julius had two additional appearances before the United Nations, in December 1956 and June 1957, where he reinforced the favorable impression made in 1955. The British could not help but recognize Nyerere's growing influence. In 1957 he was appointed to the Legislative Council, which remained under British control, but when he was unable to make any progress for the policies of TANU, Nyerere resigned in disgust.
Nyerere was asked to form the new government, thereby becoming Tanganyika's first elected chief minister. Independence followed quickly on December 9, 1961. But the success of TANU made obvious many defects in the structure of the party. Nyerere realized that TANU's real work would come with independence; therefore in a dramatic move he resigned as head of the government in January 1962 to devote his activities to rebuilding the party. His work was successful, and he was overwhelmingly elected in the 1962 elections as the first president of Tanganyika, which became a republic on December 9, 1962.
In January 1964 Nyerere had to face the most serious crisis of his political career. The Tanganyikan army mutinied, demanding higher pay and the full Africanization of the officer corps. Nyerere was forced into hiding, and stability was regained only when British forces were called in to restore order. Part of the reason for this unrest was the Zanzibar revolution of January 1964, when revolutionary groups overthrew that island's Arab-led government. The new radical government, with heavy Communist leanings, was subsequently encouraged to unite with Tanganyika. The result was the united country of Tanzania, with Abeid Karume of Zanzibar serving under Nyerere as first vice president.
By 1967, with western nations such as the United States cautious about investing in Nyerere's socialist country, TANU adopted the system of broad government control called the Arusha Declaration, designed to regulate economic and social development. Nyerere and TANU hoped to break down emerging class barriers and promote universal human dignity.
But by 1992, Nyerere was on the political sidelines, although he had remained head of the ruling party until two years before. By then, the country was moving away from his brand of African socialism embodied in the principle of Ujamaa (familyhood) and moving toward privitization. Julius Nyerere died on October 14, 1999 at St. Thomas's Hospital in London.
Julius Nyerere was a Tanzanian statesman and political philosopher who became the first president of Tanzania. His carefully reasoned and well-presented policies for the development of Tanzania led to a reputation as Africa's most original thinker. He was a founding member of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) party and later a member of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi party. Ideologically an African nationalist and African socialist, he promoted a political philosophy known as Ujamaa, issued the Arusha Declaration. Nyerere left Tanzania as one of the poorest and most foreign aid-dependent countries in the world, although much progress in services such as health and education had nevertheless been achieved.
(The Arusha Declaration and the speeches and political Wri...)
(This edited volume is about the rekindled investment in t...)
(Book by)
All during his years Nyerere showed a consistent interest in the Roman Catholic religion; he was baptized in December 1943.
In January 2005 the Catholic diocese of Musoma opened a case for the beatification of Julius Nyerere. Nyerere was a devout Catholic who attended Mass daily throughout his public life and was known for fasting frequently.
In 1953 Julius was elected president of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), a civic organisation dominated by civil servants, that he had been involved with while a student at Makerere University. In 1954 he transformed TAA into the politically oriented Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). TANU's main objective was to achieve national sovereignty for Tanganyika. Within a year TANU had become the leading political organisation in the country. TANU had been founded in 1954 by Nyerere and Oscar Kambona.
With the motto of Uhuru na Kazi (Freedom and Work), he at once mounted a major attack on what he considered the three major enemies of his people-poverty, ignorance, and disease.
Nyerere believed that it was unwise for a poor country to depend on the uncertain aid of the richer nations for progress. Instead, Tanganyikans were encouraged to utilize their own strengths, especially their ample manpower, to develop their country themselves. A series of self-help schemes in road building and other construction projects during 1963-1964 exemplified this approach. In this struggle for human dignity Nyerere found no place for an elite of officeholders, and various schemes were initiated to break down any emerging class barriers within the country. This line of development was most forcefully stated in Nyerere's Arusha Declaration of 1967.
Looking toward Africa as a whole, Nyerere said its countries needed time to develop their own "people-centered" democratic political systems, able to forge their futures cooperatively across national boundaries, rather than be pressured by rich European countries to adopt those systems.
Nyerere's foreign policy emphasised nonalignment in the Cold War and under his leadership Tanzania enjoyed friendly relations with the People's Republic of China, the Soviet bloc as well as the Western world.
Nyerere was an African Socialist who's beliefs consisted of ujamaa, or family first, which he pushed in Tanzania. Nyerere believed socialism was an attitude of mind that countered discrimination and entailed equality of all human beings. Therefore, ujamaa can be said to have created the social environment for the development of hip hop culture. As in other countries, hip hop emerged in post-colonial Tanzania when divisions among the population were prominent, whether by class, ethnicity or gender. Rappers broadcast messages of freedom, unity, and family, topics that are all reminiscent of the spirit Nyerere put forth in ujamaa.
Nyerere was a modest man who was shy regarding the personality cult that followers established around him
Quotes from others about the person
Smith described Nyerere as "a slight, wiry man with a high forehead and a toothbrush moustache".
Molony described Nyerere as "down-to-earth, principled, and had a strong sense of fairness. He was modest and unpretentious. In contrast to a good number of his contemporaries at Tabora Boys, he was neither arrogant nor conceited."
He was married to a woman named Maria (m. 1953–99) with whom he had eight children.
