Professor Noam A. Chomsky, professor of Modern languages at MIT, political activist and founder of transformational linguistics.
Career
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1967
Washington DC, United States
View of demonstrators during the 'March on the Pentagon,' Washington DC, October 21, 1967. Among those pictured are, from left, Marcus Raskin, Noam Chomsky, Norman Mailer, Robert Lowell, Sidney Lens, Dagmar Wilson, unknown, and Dr. Benjamin Spock. Photo by Fred W. McDarrah.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1969
77 Massachusetts Ave, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States
Noam Chomsky (left), smoking pipe, sitting in his office probably with student. Photo by Lee Lockwood.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1969
77 Massachusetts Ave, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States
Noam Chomsky, smoking pipe, in his office. Photo by Lee Lockwood.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1970
219 S Harrison Rd, East Lansing, MI 48824, United States
Close-up of linguistics Professor Noam Chomsky at Kellogg Center, East Lansing, Michigan, 1970. Photo by Douglas Elbinger.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1987
77 Massachusetts Ave, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States
Moam Chomsky poses while in his office at Massachusetts Institute of Technology on the 20th of October 1987. Photo by Ulf Andersen.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1990
Boston, Massachusetts, United States
American linguist, philosopher and political activist, Noam Chomsky, Boston, Massachusetts, 1990. Photo by Steve Pyke.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
1990
Boston, Massachusetts, United States
American linguist, philosopher, and political activist, Noam Chomsky, Boston, Massachusetts, 1990. Photo by Steve Pyke.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2000
Boston, Massachusetts, United States
Portrait of writer Noam Chomsky, Boston, Massachusetts, 2000. Photo by Chris Felver.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2002
Cambridge, MA, United States
Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor of linguistics Noam Chomsky speaks during a program titled "Why Iraq?" attended by an overflow crowd at Harvard University November 4, 2002, in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Photo by William B. Plowman.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2009
490 Riverside Dr, New York, NY 10027, United States
Noam Chomsky discusses the global economic crisis, United States military intervention in the Middle East and South Asia and the election of Barack Obama in a lecture called "Crisis & Hope: Theirs and Ours" at Riverside Church on June 12, 2009, in New York City. Photo by Neilson Barnard.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2010
Paris, France
American linguist and political activist Noam Chomsky after public conference held on May 30, 2010, in Paris, France. Photo by Ulf Andersen.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2010
5 Yiheyuan Rd, Haidian District, China, 100871
Noam Chomsky looks on during the ceremony for the Conferment of the Honorary Doctorate at Peking University on August 13, 2010, in Beijing, China.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2010
5 Yiheyuan Rd, Haidian District, China, 100871
Noam Chomsky reacts during the ceremony for the Conferment of the Honorary Doctorate at Peking University on August 13, 2010, in Beijing, China.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2013
96 Euston Rd, London NW1 2DB, United Kingdom
American linguist and philosopher Noam Chomsky in conversation at the British Library, London, on 19th March 2013. Photo by David Corio.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2013
Platz der Vereinten Nationen 15, 53113 Bonn, Germany
Noam Chomsky at global media forum in Bonn.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2013
Platz der Vereinten Nationen 15, 53113 Bonn, Germany
Noam Chomsky at global media forum in Bonn.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2013
Platz der Vereinten Nationen 15, 53113 Bonn, Germany
Noam Chomsky at global media forum in Bonn.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2013
Platz der Vereinten Nationen 15, 53113 Bonn, Germany
Noam Chomsky at a global media forum in Bonn.
Gallery of Noam Chomsky
2013
96 Euston Rd, London NW1 2DB, United Kingdom
Jonathan Freedland (left) and Noam Chomsky (right) in conversation at the British Library, London, on 19th March 2013. Photo by David Corio.
Achievements
Membership
American Association for the Advancement of Science
Noam Chomsky is a member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.
National Academy of Sciences
Noam Chomsky is a member of the National Academy of Sciences.
American Academy of Arts and Sciences
Noam Chomsky is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
American Philosophical Society
Noam Chomsky is a member of the American Philosophical Society.
Linguistic Society of America
Noam Chomsky is a member of the the Linguistic Society of America.
British Academy
Noam Chomsky is a member of the British Academy.
British Psychological Society
Noam Chomsky is a member of the British Psychological Society.
German Academy of Sciences Leopoldina
Noam Chomsky is a member of the German Academy of Sciences Leopoldina.
Royal Society of Canada
Noam Chomsky is a member of the Royal Society of Canada.
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
Noam Chomsky is a member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts.
Academia Europaea
Noam Chomsky is a member of the Academia Europaea.
Cognitive Science Society
Noam Chomsky is a member of the Cognitive Science Society.
Tunisian Academy of Sciences, Letters and Arts
Noam Chomsky is a member of the Tunisian Academy of Sciences, Letters and Arts.
Awards
Thomas Merton Award
2010
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, United States
Michael Drohan presenting the 2010 Thomas Merton Award to Noam Chomsky.
View of demonstrators during the 'March on the Pentagon,' Washington DC, October 21, 1967. Among those pictured are, from left, Marcus Raskin, Noam Chomsky, Norman Mailer, Robert Lowell, Sidney Lens, Dagmar Wilson, unknown, and Dr. Benjamin Spock. Photo by Fred W. McDarrah.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor of linguistics Noam Chomsky speaks during a program titled "Why Iraq?" attended by an overflow crowd at Harvard University November 4, 2002, in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Photo by William B. Plowman.
490 Riverside Dr, New York, NY 10027, United States
Noam Chomsky discusses the global economic crisis, United States military intervention in the Middle East and South Asia and the election of Barack Obama in a lecture called "Crisis & Hope: Theirs and Ours" at Riverside Church on June 12, 2009, in New York City. Photo by Neilson Barnard.
(American linguist Paul Postal wrote in 1964 that most of ...)
American linguist Paul Postal wrote in 1964 that most of the "syntactic conceptions prevalent in the United States" were "versions of the theory of phrase structure grammars in the sense of Chomsky". British linguist John Lyons wrote in 1966 that "no work has had a greater influence upon the current linguistic theory than Chomsky's Syntactic Structures." Prominent historian of linguistics R. H. Robins wrote in 1967 that the publication of Chomsky's "Syntactic Structures" was "probably the most radical and important change in direction in descriptive linguistics and in linguistic theory that has taken place in recent years."
(Noam Chomsky's Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, published...)
Noam Chomsky's Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, published in 1965, was a landmark work in generative grammar that introduced certain technical innovations still drawn upon in contemporary work. The fiftieth anniversary edition of this influential book includes a new preface by the author that identifies proposals that seem to be of lasting significance, reviews changes and improvements in the formulation and implementation of basic ideas, and addresses some of the controversies that arose over the general framework.
Cartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History of Rationalist Thought
(In this extraordinarily original and profound work, Noam ...)
In this extraordinarily original and profound work, Noam Chomsky discusses themes in the study of language and mind since the end of the sixteenth century in order to explain the motivations and methods that underlie his work in linguistics, the science of mind, and even politics. This edition includes a new and specially written introduction by James McGilvray, contextualising the work for the twenty-first century. It has been made more accessible to a larger audience; all the French and German in the original edition has been translated, and the notes and bibliography have been brought up to date. The relationship between the original edition and contemporary biolinguistic work is also explained. This challenging volume is an important contribution to the study of language and mind, and to the history of these studies since the end of the sixteenth century.
(This is the third edition of Chomsky's outstanding collec...)
This is the third edition of Chomsky's outstanding collection of essays on language and mind, first published in 2006. The first six chapters, originally published in the 1960s, made a groundbreaking contribution to linguistic theory. This edition complements them with an additional chapter and a new preface, bringing Chomsky's influential approach into the twenty-first century. Chapters 1-6 present Chomsky's early work on the nature and acquisition of language as a genetically endowed, biological system (Universal Grammar), through the rules and principles of which we acquire an internalized knowledge (I-language). Over the past fifty years, this framework has sparked an explosion of inquiry into a wide range of languages, and has yielded some major theoretical questions. The final chapter revisits the key issues, reviewing the 'biolinguistic' approach that has guided Chomsky's work from its origins to the present day, and raising some novel and exciting challenges for the study of language and mind.
American Power and the New Mandarins: Historical and Political Essays
(American Power and the New Mandarins is Noam Chomsky’s fi...)
American Power and the New Mandarins is Noam Chomsky’s first political book, widely considered to be among the most cogent and powerful statements against the American war in Vietnam. Long out of print, this collection of early, seminal essays helped to establish Chomsky as a leading critic of the United States foreign policy. These pages mount a scathing critique of the contradictions of the war, and an indictment of the mainstream, liberal intellectuals - the "new mandarins" - who furnished what Chomsky argued was the necessary ideological cover for the horrors visited on the Vietnamese people.
(The book presents observations on and analyses of the pur...)
The book presents observations on and analyses of the purposes, methods, and implications of linguistic studies, the concerns and findings of recent work, and current problems and controversies.
The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism: The Political Economy of Human Rights: Volume I
(A brilliant, shattering, and convincing account of United...)
A brilliant, shattering, and convincing account of United States-backed suppression of political and human rights in Latin America, Asia, and Africa and the role of the media in misreporting these policies The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism relentlessly dissects the official views of establishment scholars and their journals. The "best and brightest" pundits of the status quo emerge from this book thoroughly denuded of their credibility.
After the Cataclysm: The Political Economy of Human Rights: Volume II
(With a new preface by the authors, this companion book to...)
With a new preface by the authors, this companion book to The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism, dissects the aftermath of the war in Southeast Asia, the refugee problem, the Vietnam/Cambodia conflict and the Pol Pot regime.
(The architecture of the human language faculty has been o...)
The architecture of the human language faculty has been one of the main topics of the linguistic research of the last half century. This branch of linguistics, broadly known as Generative Grammar, is concerned with the formulation of explanatory formal accounts of linguistic phenomena with the ulterior goal of gaining insight into the properties of the 'language organ.' The series comprises high-quality monographs and collected volumes that address such issues. The topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from syntax to information structure, from mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon.
(With the same uncompromising style that characterized his...)
With the same uncompromising style that characterized his breakthrough, Vietnam-era writings, Toward a New Cold War extends Chomsky’s critique of the United States foreign policy through the early 1970s to Ronald Reagan’s first term. Expanding on themes such as the cozy relationship of intellectuals to the state and American adventurism after World War II, Chomsky goes on to examine the way that the United States policymakers set about the task of rewriting the horrible history of involvement in Indochina and turned their attention more squarely on the Middle East and Central America. Chomsky also assesses the United States oil strategy and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, dissects the first volume of Kissinger’s memoirs, issues an urgent call to stem the bloodshed in then-unknown East Timor and, in the title essay, marks the increased posture of confrontation and rearmament under presidents Carter and Reagan that signaled the end of détente with the Soviet Union.
Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians
(Fateful Triangle is Noam Chomsky's seminal work on Mideas...)
Fateful Triangle is Noam Chomsky's seminal work on Mideast politics. In the updated edition of this classic book, with a new introduction by Chomsky, readers seeking to understand the Middle East and the United States foreign policy today will find an invaluable tool.
Pirates and Emperors, Old and New: International Terrorism in the Real World
(One of the world’s leading intellectuals “raises provocat...)
One of the world’s leading intellectuals “raises provocative questions about United States diplomacy” in a brilliant account of the workings of state terrorism (Maclean’s). Pirates and Emperors, Old and New is a virtuoso exploration of the role of the United States in the Middle East that exposes how the media manipulates public opinion about what constitutes “terrorism.” Chomsky masterfully argues that appreciating the differences between state terror and nongovernmental terror is crucial to stopping terrorism and understanding why atrocities like the bombing of the World Trade Center and the killing of the Charlie Hebdo journalists happen.
Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media
(In this pathbreaking work, Edward S. Herman and Noam Chom...)
In this pathbreaking work, Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky show that, contrary to the usual image of the news media as cantankerous, obstinate, and ubiquitous in their search for truth and defense of justice, in their actual practice they defend the economic, social, and political agendas of the privileged groups that dominate domestic society, the state, and the global order.
Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies
(In his national bestselling 1988 CBC Massey Lectures, Noa...)
In his national bestselling 1988 CBC Massey Lectures, Noam Chomsky inquires into the nature of the media in a political system where the population cannot be disciplined by force and thus must be subjected to more subtle forms of ideological control. Specific cases are illustrated in detail, using the U.S. media primarily but also media in other societies. Chomsky considers how the media might be democratized (as part of the general problem of developing more democratic institutions) in order to offer citizens broader and more meaningful participation in social and political life.
(From World War II until the 1980s, the United States reig...)
From World War II until the 1980s, the United States reigned supreme as both the economic and the military leader of the world. The major shifts in global politics that came about with the dismantling of the Eastern bloc have left the United States unchallenged as the preeminent military power, but American economic might has declined drastically in the face of competition, first from Germany and Japan ad more recently from newly prosperous countries elsewhere. In Deterring Democracy, the impassioned dissident intellectual Noam Chomsky points to the potentially catastrophic consequences of this new imbalance. Chomsky reveals a world in which the United States exploits its advantage ruthlessly to enforce its national interests - and in the process destroys weaker nations. The new world order (in which the New World give the orders) has arrived.
(In his foundational book, The Minimalist Program, publish...)
In his foundational book, The Minimalist Program, published in 1995, Noam Chomsky offered a significant contribution to the generative tradition in linguistics. This twentieth-anniversary edition reissues this classic work with a new preface by the author.
(These wide-ranging interviews, from 1992 and 1993, cover ...)
These wide-ranging interviews, from 1992 and 1993, cover everything from Bosnia and Somalia to biotechnology and nonviolence, with particular attention to the "Third Worldization" of the United States.
(Chomsky takes on the international scene since 1945, devo...)
Chomsky takes on the international scene since 1945, devoting particular attention to events following the collapse of the Soviet Union. He develops a forceful critique of Western government, from imperialist foreign policies to the Clinton administration's empty promises to the poor.
(Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship is Chomsky’s powerful...)
Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship is Chomsky’s powerful indictment of a liberal intelligentsia that provided self-serving arguments for war in Vietnam, legitimizing the United States commitment to autocratic rule, to intervention in Asia and, ultimately, the “pacification” of millions. Over thirty years after their first printing, these are prophetic words, as today America effects "regime change" in Iraq and increasingly boisterous militarism around the globe. Included here is Chomsky’s classic counter-analysis of the Spanish Civil War as a revolutionary war from below, as he lays bare the hostility of even liberal scholarly elites to engage in mass movements and social change, revealing not objectivity, but its opposite - the use of ideology to mask self-interest and obeisance to power. Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship is a crucial signpost of Chomsky’s searing contribution to our age, and an indispensable lens through which to consider mainstream punditry today.
Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order
(Why is the Atlantic slowly filling with crude petroleum, ...)
Why is the Atlantic slowly filling with crude petroleum, threatening a millions-of-years-old ecological balance? Why did traders at prominent banks take high-risk gambles with the money entrusted to them by hundreds of thousands of clients around the world, expanding and leveraging their investments to the point that failure led to a global financial crisis that left millions of people jobless and hundreds of cities economically devastated? Why would the world's most powerful military spend ten years fighting an enemy that presents no direct threat to secure resources for corporations?
(In 9-11, published in November 2001 and arguably the sing...)
In 9-11, published in November 2001 and arguably the single most influential post 9-11 book, internationally renowned thinker Noam Chomsky bridged the information gap around the World Trade Center attacks, cutting through the tangle of political opportunism, expedient patriotism, and general conformity that choked off American discourse in the months immediately following. Chomsky placed the attacks in context, marshaling his deep and nuanced knowledge of American foreign policy to trace the history of American political aggression - in the Middle East and throughout Latin America as well as in Indonesia, in Afghanistan, in India and Pakistan - at the same time warning against America’s increasing reliance on military rhetoric and violence in its response to the attacks, and making the critical point that the mainstream media and public intellectuals were failing to make: any escalation of violence as a response to violence will inevitably lead to further, and bloodier, attacks on innocents in America and around the world. This new edition of 9-11, published on the tenth anniversary of the attacks and featuring a new preface by Chomsky, reminds us that today, just as much as ten years ago, information and clarity remain our most valuable tools in the struggle to prevent future violence against the innocent, both at home and abroad.
(Noam Chomsky is universally accepted as one of the world’...)
Noam Chomsky is universally accepted as one of the world’s leading intellectuals of the modern era. Now, for the first time, Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel have assembled the best of Chomsky's talks on the politics of power. With an eye to political activism and the media’s role in popular struggle, as well as the United States foreign and domestic policy, Chomsky reinterprets the events of the past three decades, from foreign policy during the Vietnam War to the decline of welfare under the Clinton administration. Highlighting America’s myriad of social inequalities and political issues while offering timely advice for much-needed change, Understanding Power is definitive Chomsky.
Middle East Illusions: Including Peace in the Middle East? Reflections on Justice and Nationhood
(What are the roots of the Israel-Palestinian conflict and...)
What are the roots of the Israel-Palestinian conflict and how has it been influenced by the United States? Why has the United States-brokered "peace process" repeatedly failed to deliver peace? What are the prospects for a just resolution? What interests underlie current United States strategic doctrines in the Middle East, especially in its redeclared "war on terrorism" after 9-11, and how do we look beyond them to find more peaceful and viable alternatives?
Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance
(An immediate national bestseller, Hegemony or Survival de...)
An immediate national bestseller, Hegemony or Survival demonstrates how, for more than half a century the United States has been pursuing a grand imperial strategy with the aim of staking out the globe. Our leaders have shown themselves willing-as in the Cuban missile crisis-to follow the dream of dominance no matter how high the risks. World-renowned intellectual Noam Chomsky investigates how we came to this perilous moment and why our rulers are willing to jeopardize the future of our species.
Getting Haiti Right This Time: The U.S. and the Coup
(Did Aristide leave Haiti voluntarily? Why did the United ...)
Did Aristide leave Haiti voluntarily? Why did the United States want him out? What does the regime change mean for the health of Haitians? Did Aristide "overstay his welcome," in the words of Vice President Dick Cheney, who never had a welcome in his own country to overstay? After 35 coups, what does the double entendre mean to get Haiti “right” this time?
Imperial Ambitions: Conversations on the Post-9/11 World
(Timely, urgent, and powerfully elucidating, this importan...)
Timely, urgent, and powerfully elucidating, this important volume of previously unpublished interviews conducted by award-winning radio journalist David Barsamian features Noam Chomsky discussing America's policies in an increasingly unstable world. With his famous insight, lucidity, and redoubtable grasp of history, Chomsky offers his views on the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the doctrine of "preemptive" strikes against so-called rogue states, and the prospects of the second Bush administration, warning of the growing threat to international peace posed by the United States drive for domination. In his inimitable style, Chomsky also dissects the propaganda system that fabricates a mythic past and airbrushes inconvenient facts out of history.
Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy
(The United States has repeatedly asserted its right to in...)
The United States has repeatedly asserted its right to intervene militarily against "failed states" around the globe. In this much-anticipated follow-up to his international bestseller Hegemony or Survival, Noam Chomsky turns the tables, showing how the United States itself shares features with other failed states - suffering from a severe "democratic deficit," eschewing domestic and international law, and adopting policies that increasingly endanger its own citizens and the world. Exploring the latest developments in the United States foreign and domestic policy, Chomsky reveals Washington's plans to further militarize the planet, greatly increasing the risks of nuclear war. He also assesses the dangerous consequences of the occupation of Iraq; documents Washington's self-exemption from international norms, including the Geneva conventions and the Kyoto Protocol; and examines how the United States electoral system is designed to eliminate genuine political alternatives, impeding any meaningful democracy.
(Concise and fiercely argued, Interventions covers the inv...)
Concise and fiercely argued, Interventions covers the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the Bush presidency, Israel and Palestine, national security, the escalating threat of nuclear warfare and more. A powerful and accessible new book from one of America’s foremost political intellectuals and dissidents.
Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on the US-Israeli War Against the Palestinians
(Israel's Operation Cast Lead thrust the humanitarian cris...)
Israel's Operation Cast Lead thrust the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip into the center of the debate about the Israel/Palestine conflict. In this updated and expanded edition, Noam Chomsky and Ilan Pappé survey the fallout from Israel's conduct in Gaza, including their latest incursions, and place it in historical context.
Making the Future: Occupations, Interventions, Empire and Resistance
(Making the Future is a follow-up to Interventions, publis...)
Making the Future is a follow-up to Interventions, published by City Lights in 2007 and banned from Guantánamo Bay by the United States military censors. Both books are drawn from articles Chomsky has been writing regularly for the New York Times Syndicate, but which go largely ignored by newspapers in the United States. Making the Future offers fierce, accessible, timely, gloves-off political writing by one of America's foremost intellectual and political dissidents.
(In Occupy, Chomsky discusses the cornerstone issues, ques...)
In Occupy, Chomsky discusses the cornerstone issues, questions and demands that have been driving ordinary Americans to critique the influence of the "1%." The book begins and ends with Chomsky celebrating the life and work of his longtime friend and colleague, Howard Zinn, author of A People’s History of the United States. As a call to action, Chomsky encourages people to continue organizing, to continue struggling, and to continue defending citizenship and community-driven democracy from predation from the relentless encroachments of wealth and corporate power.
Requiem for the American Dream: The 10 Principles of Concentration of Wealth & Power
(In his first major book on the subject of income inequali...)
In his first major book on the subject of income inequality, Noam Chomsky skewers the fundamental tenets of neoliberalism and casts a clear, cold, patient eye on the economic facts of life. What are the ten principles of concentration of wealth and power at work in America today? They're simple enough: reduce democracy, shape ideology, redesign the economy, shift the burden onto the poor and middle classes, attack the solidarity of the people, let special interests run the regulators, engineer election results, use fear and the power of the state to keep the rabble in line, manufacture consent, marginalize the population. In Requiem for the American Dream, Chomsky devotes a chapter to each of these ten principles, and adds readings from some of the core texts that have influenced his thinking to bolster his argument.
Noam Chomsky, in full Avram Noam Chomsky is an American theoretical linguist whose work from the 1950s revolutionized the field of linguistics by treating language as a uniquely human, biologically based cognitive capacity. Through his contributions to linguistics and related fields, including cognitive psychology and the philosophies of mind and language, Chomsky helped to initiate and sustain what came to be known as the "cognitive revolution."
Background
Noam Chomsky was born on February 7, 1928, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States to the family of Zeev "William" Chomsky and Elsie Simonofsky, Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants born in modern-day Ukraine and Belarus respectively. His mother, Elsie, was a teacher and was active in the radical politics of the 1930s. His father, William was a respected professor of Hebrew at Gratz College, an institution for teacher’s training. Chomsky felt the weight of America's Great Depression. He was raised with a younger brother, David, and although his own family was middle class, he witnessed injustices all around him. One of his earliest memories consisted of watching security officers beat women strikers outside a textile plant.
Chomsky's parents had an enormous impact on their son. He was introduced to linguistics by his father. From an early age Noam and his brother were immersed in the revival of the Jewish culture and the Hebrew language. Young Noam studied Hebrew literature with his father. He spent time in Hebrew school and later became a Hebrew teacher himself.
By the age of 13, Chomsky was traveling from Philadelphia to New York, spending much of his time listening to the disparate perspectives hashed out among adults over cigarettes and magazines at his uncle’s newsstand at the back of a 72nd Street subway exit. Chomsky greatly admired his uncle, a man of little formal education, but someone who was wildly smart about the world around him. Chomsky’s current political views spring from this type of lived-experience stance, positing that all people can understand politics and economics and make their own decisions, and that authority ought to be tested before being deemed legitimate and worthy of power.
Education
While at Oak Lane Country Day School, Noam Chomsky was encouraged to develop his interests and ideas through self-actualization. When he was 10 years old, he wrote an editorial for his school newspaper lamenting the fall of Barcelona in the Spanish Civil War and the rise of fascism in Europe. His research then and during the next few years was thorough enough to serve decades later as the basis of “Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship” (1969), Chomsky’s critical review of a study of the period by the historian Gabriel Jackson. He had his secondary education at Central High school. There, he was an active member of several clubs and societies. He also attended the Hebrew High school at Gratz College during this time.
In 1945, at the age of 16, Chomsky entered the University of Pennsylvania but found little to interest him. After two years he considered leaving the university to pursue his political interests, perhaps by living on a kibbutz. He changed his mind, however, after meeting the linguist Zellig S. Harris, one of the American founders of structural linguistics, whose political convictions were similar to Chomsky’s. Chomsky took graduate courses with Harris and, at Harris’s recommendation, studied philosophy with Nelson Goodman and Nathan Salmon and mathematics with Nathan Fine, who was then teaching at Harvard University. In his 1951 master’s thesis, The Morphophonemics of Modern Hebrew, and especially in The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory (LSLT), written while he was a junior fellow at Harvard in 1951-1955 and published in part in 1975, Chomsky adopted aspects of Harris’s approach to the study of language and of Goodman’s views on formal systems and the philosophy of science and transformed them into something novel. Chomsky received a Doctor of Philosophy in linguistics from the University of Pennsylvania in 1955 after submitting one chapter of LSLT as a doctoral dissertation (Transformational Analysis).
In 1956 Noam Chomsky was appointed by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to a teaching position that required him to spend half his time on a machine translation project, though he was openly skeptical of its prospects for success (he told the director of the translation laboratory that the project was of “no intellectual interest and was also pointless”). Impressed with his book Syntactic Structures (1957), a revised version of a series of lectures he gave to Massachusetts Institute of Technology undergraduates, the university asked Chomsky and his colleague Morris Halle to establish a new graduate program in linguistics, which soon attracted several outstanding scholars, including Robert Lees, Jerry Fodor, Jerold Katz, and Paul Postal.
Chomsky’s 1959 review of Verbal Behavior, by B.F. Skinner, the dean of American behaviorism, came to be regarded as the definitive refutation of behaviorist accounts of language learning. Starting in the mid-1960s, with the publication of Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965) and Cartesian Linguistics (1966), Chomsky’s approach to the study of language and mind gained wider acceptance within linguistics, though there were many theoretical variations within the paradigm. Chomsky was appointed full professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1961, Ferrari P. Ward Professor of Modern Languages and Linguistics in 1966, and Institute Professor in 1976. He retired as professor emeritus in 2002 but continued to conduct research and seminars on campus as an emeritus.
Chomsky has published more than 70 books and more than 1,000 articles covering a broad range of topics including linguistics, philosophy, politics, and psychology. In 1988, he was awarded the Kyoto Prize, the Japanese equivalent of the Nobel Prize. Chomsky is also well respected as a social activist and critic. He spoke out publicly against the Vietnam War. He continues to teach and write on the interface of human beings, science, and technology.
Since 2017, Chomsky teaches as a part-time professor in the linguistics department at the University of Arizona in Tucson, with his duties including teaching and public seminars.
Chomsky is a prolific author whose principal linguistic works after Syntactic Structures include Current Issues in Linguistic Theory (1964), The Sound Pattern of English (with Morris Halle, 1968), Language and Mind (1972), Studies on Semantics in Generative Grammar (1972), and Knowledge of Language (1986). In addition, he has wide-ranging political interests. He was an early and outspoken critic of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War and has written extensively on many political issues from a generally left-wing point of view. Among his political writings are American Power and the New Mandarins (1969), Peace in the Middle East? (1974), Some Concepts and Consequences of the Theory of Government and Binding (1982), Manufacturing Consent (with E. S. Herman, 1988), Profit over People (1998), and Rogue States (2000). Chomsky’s controversial bestseller 9-11 (2002) is an analysis of the World Trade Center attack that, while denouncing the atrocity of the event, traces its origins to the actions and power of the United States, which he calls “a leading terrorist state.”
Chomsky’s religious heritage is Jewish, and he was raised Jewish but now considers himself an atheist. Still, he admits that religion can be a powerful force for good, offering community, solidarity, and comfort for people. Chomsky praised some aspects of the Catholic Church for it’s "radical" politics and its attempt to push south and Central American society in a more cooperative and humanitarian direction.
Politics
Chomsky’s political views seem to be supported to some extent by his approach to the study of language and mind, which implies that the capacity for creativity is an important element of human nature. Chomsky often notes, however, that there is only an "abstract" connection between his theories of language and his politics. A close connection would have to be based on a fully developed science of human nature, through which fundamental human needs could be identified or deduced. But there is nothing like such a science. Even if there were, the connection would additionally depend on the assumption that the best form of political organization is one that maximizes the satisfaction of human needs. And then there would remain the question of what practical measures should be implemented to satisfy those needs. Clearly, questions such as this cannot be settled by scientific means.
Although Chomsky was always interested in politics, he did not become publicly involved in it until 1964, when he felt compelled to lend his voice to protests against the United States role in the Vietnam War (or, as he prefers to say, the United State invasion of Vietnam), at no small risk to his career and his personal safety. He has argued that the Vietnam War was only one in a series of cases in which the United States used its military power to gain or consolidate economic control over increasingly larger areas of the developing world. In the same vein, he regards the domestic political scene of the United States and other major capitalist countries as theaters in which major corporations and their elite managers strive to protect and enhance their economic privileges and political power.
In democracies like the United States, in which the compliance of ordinary citizens cannot be guaranteed by force, this effort requires a form of "propaganda": the powerful must make ordinary citizens believe that vesting economic control of society in the hands of a tiny minority of the population is to their benefit. Part of this project involves enlisting the help of "intellectuals" - the class of individuals (primarily journalists and academics) who collect, disseminate, and interpret political and economic information for the public. Regrettably, Chomsky argues, this task has proved remarkably easy.
As a responsible (rather than mercenary) member of the intellectual class, Chomsky believes that it is his obligation to provide ordinary citizens with the information they needed to draw their own conclusions and to make their own decisions about vital political and economic issues.
In one of his first political essays, "The Responsibility of Intellectuals" (1967), Chomsky presented case after case in which intellectuals in positions of power, including prominent journalists, failed to tell the truth or deliberately lied to the public in order to conceal the aims and consequences of the United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War. In their two-volume work The Political Economy of Human Rights (1979) and later in Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988), Chomsky and the economist Edward Herman analyzed the reporting of journalists in the mainstream (id est, corporate-owned) media on the basis of statistically careful studies of historical and contemporary examples. Their work provided striking evidence of selection, skewing of data, filtering of information, and outright invention in support of assumptions that helped to justify the controlling influence of corporations in United States foreign policy and domestic politics.
The studies in these and other works made use of paired examples to show how very similar events can be reported in very different ways, depending upon whether and how state and corporate interests may be affected. In The Political Economy of Human Rights, for example, Chomsky and Herman compared reporting on Indonesia’s military invasion and occupation of East Timor with reporting on the behavior of the communist Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia. The events in the two cases took place in approximately the same part of the world and at approximately the same time (the mid- to late 1970s). As a proportion of population, the number of East Timorese tortured and murdered by the Indonesian military was approximately the same as the number of Cambodians tortured and murdered by the Khmer Rouge. And yet the mainstream media in the United States devoted much more attention to the second case (more than 1,000 column inches in the New York Times) than to the first (about 70 column inches). Moreover, reporting on the actions of the Khmer Rouge contained many clear cases of exaggeration and fabrication, whereas reporting on the actions of Indonesia portrayed them as essentially benign. In the case of the Khmer Rouge, however, exaggerated reports of atrocities aided efforts by the United States to maintain the Cold War and to protect and expand its access to the region’s natural resources (including East Timorese oil deposits) through client states. Indonesia, on the other hand, was just such a state, heavily supported by United States military and economic aid. Although ordinary Americans were not in a position to do anything about the Khmer Rouge, they were capable of doing something about their country’s support for Indonesia, in particular by voting their government out of office. But the media’s benign treatment of the invasion made it extremely unlikely that they would be motivated to do so. According to Chomsky, this and many other examples demonstrate that prominent journalists and other intellectuals in the United States function essentially as "commissars" on behalf of elite interests.
Some of Chomsky’s critics have claimed that his political and media studies portray journalists as actively engaged in a kind of conspiracy - an extremely unlikely conspiracy, of course, given the degree of coordination and control it would require. Chomsky’s response is simply that the assumption of conspiracy is unnecessary. The behavior of journalists in the mainstream media is exactly what one would expect, on average, given the power structure of the institutions in which they are employed, and it is predictable in the same sense and for the same reasons that the behavior of the president of General Motors is predictable. In order to succeed - in order to be hired and promoted - media personnel must avoid questioning the interests of the corporations they work for or the interests of the elite minority who run those corporations. Because journalists naturally do not wish to think of themselves as mercenaries (no one does), they engage in what amounts to a form of self-deception. They typically think of themselves as stalwart defenders of the truth (as suggested by the slogan of the New York Times, "All the news that’s fit to print"), but when state or corporate interests are at stake they act otherwise, in crucially important ways. In short, very few of them are willing or even able to live up to their responsibility as intellectuals to bring the truth about matters of human significance to an audience that can do something about them.
Views
In 1957 Noam Chomsky introduces transformational grammars in his work Syntactic Structures that was a distillation of his book Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory. The theory takes utterances (sequences of words) to have a syntax which can be (largely) characterized by a formal grammar; in particular, a Context-free grammar extended with transformational rules. Children are hypothesized to have an innate knowledge of the basic grammatical structure common to all human languages (i.e. they assume that any language which they encounter is of a certain restricted kind). This innate knowledge is often referred to as universal grammar. It is argued that modeling knowledge of language using a formal grammar accounts for the "productivity" of language: with a limited set of grammar rules and a finite set of terms, humans are able to produce an infinite number of sentences, including sentences no one has previously said.
The Principles and Parameters approach (P&P) - developed in his Pisa 1979 Lectures, later published as Lectures on Government and Binding (LGB) - make strong claims regarding universal grammar: that the grammatical principles underlying languages are innate and fixed, and the differences among the world's languages can be characterized in terms of parameter settings in the brain (such as the pro-drop parameter, which indicates whether an explicit subject is always required, as in English, or can be optionally dropped, as in Spanish), which are often likened to switches. (Hence the term principles and parameters, often given to this approach.) In this view, a child learning a language need only acquire the necessary lexical items (words, grammatical morphemes, and idioms), and determine the appropriate parameter settings, which can be done based on a few key examples.
Proponents of this view argue that the pace at which children learn languages is inexplicably rapid, unless children have an innate ability to learn languages. The similar steps followed by children all across the world when learning languages, and the fact that children make certain characteristic errors as they learn their first language, whereas other seemingly logical kinds of errors never occur (and, according to Chomsky, should be attested if a purely general, rather than language-specific, learning mechanism were being employed), are also pointed to as motivation for innateness.
More recently, in his Minimalist Program (1995), while retaining the core concept of "principles and parameters", Chomsky attempts a major overhaul of the linguistic machinery involved in the LGB model, stripping from it all but the barest necessary elements, while advocating a general approach to the architecture of the human language faculty that emphasizes principles of economy and optimal design, reverting to a derivational approach to generation, in contrast with the largely representational approach of classic P&P.
Chomsky's ideas have had a strong influence on researchers investigating the acquisition of language in children, though some researchers who work in this area today do not support Chomsky's theories, often advocating emergentist or connectionist theories reducing language to an instance of general processing mechanisms in the brain.
The Chomskyan approach towards syntax, often termed generative grammar, though quite popular, has been challenged by many, especially those working outside the United States of America. Chomskyan syntactic analyses are often highly abstract, and are based heavily on careful investigation of the border between grammatical and ungrammatical constructs in a language. (Compare this to the so-called pathological cases that play a similarly important role in mathematics.) Such grammatical judgments can only be made accurately by a native speaker, however, and thus for pragmatic reasons such linguists often focus on their own native languages or languages in which they are fluent, usually Spanish, English, French, German, Dutch, Italian, Japanese or one of the Chinese languages.
Chomsky is famous for investigating various kinds of formal languages and whether or not they might be capable of capturing key properties of human language. His Chomsky hierarchy partitions formal grammars into classes, or groups, with increasing expressive power, i.e., each successive class can generate a broader set of formal languages than the one before. Interestingly, Chomsky argues that modeling some aspects of human language requires a more complex formal grammar (as measured by the Chomsky hierarchy) than modeling others. For example, while a regular language is powerful enough to model English morphology, it is not powerful enough to model English syntax. In addition to being relevant in linguistics, the Chomsky hierarchy has also become important in computer science (especially in compiler construction and automata theory).
Chomsky's work in linguistics has had major implications for modern psychology. For Chomsky linguistics is a branch of cognitive psychology; genuine insights in linguistics imply concomitant understandings of aspects of mental processing and human nature. His theory of a universal grammar was seen by many as a direct challenge to the established behaviorist theories of the time and had major consequences for understanding how language is learned by children and what, exactly, the ability to use language is. Many of the more basic principles of this theory (though not necessarily the stronger claims made by the principles and parameters approach described above) are now generally accepted in some circles.
In 1959, Chomsky published an influential critique of B. F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior, a book in which Skinner offered a speculative explanation of language in behavioral terms. "Verbal behavior" he defined as learned behavior which has its characteristic consequences being delivered through the learned behavior of others; this makes for a view of communicative behaviors much larger than that usually addressed by linguists. Skinner's approach focused on the circumstances in which language was used; for example, asking for water was functionally a different response than labeling something as water, responding to someone asking for water, etc. These functionally different kinds of responses, which required in turn separate explanations, sharply contrasted both with traditional notions of language and Chomsky's psycholinguistic approach. Chomsky thought that a functionalist explanation restricting itself to questions of communicative performance ignored important questions. (Chomsky-Language and Mind, 1968). He focused on questions concerning the operation and development of innate structures for syntax capable of creatively organizing, cohering, adapting and combining words and phrases into intelligible utterances.
In the review Chomsky emphasized that the scientific application of behavioral principles from animal research is severely lacking in explanatory adequacy and is furthermore particularly superficial as an account of human verbal behavior because a theory restricting itself to external conditions, to "what is learned", cannot adequately account for generative grammar. Chomsky raised the examples of rapid language acquisition of children, including their quickly developing ability to form grammatical sentences, and the universally creative language use of competent native speakers to highlight the ways in which Skinner's view exemplified under-determination of theory by evidence. He argued that to understand human verbal behavior such as the creative aspects of language use and language development, one must first postulate a genetic linguistic endowment. The assumption that important aspects of language are the product of universal innate ability runs counter to Skinner's radical behaviorism.
It has been claimed that Chomsky's critique of Skinner's methodology and basic assumptions paved the way for the "cognitive revolution", the shift in American psychology between the 1950s through the 1970s from being primarily behavioral to being primarily cognitive. In his 1966 Cartesian Linguistics and subsequent works, Chomsky laid out an explanation of human language faculties that has become the model for investigation in some areas of psychology. Much of the present conception of how the mind works draws directly from ideas that found their first persuasive author of modern times in Chomsky.
There are three key ideas. First is that the mind is "cognitive", or that the mind actually contains mental states, beliefs, doubts, and so on. Second, he argued that most of the important properties of language and mind are innate. The acquisition and development of a language is a result of the unfolding of innate propensities triggered by the experiential input of the external environment. Subsequent psychologists have extended this general "nativist" thesis beyond language. Lastly, Chomsky made the concept of "modularity" a critical feature of the mind's cognitive architecture. The mind is composed of an array of interacting, specialized subsystems with limited flows of inter-communication. This model contrasts sharply with the old idea that any piece of information in the mind could be accessed by any other cognitive process (optical illusions, for example, cannot be "turned off" even when they are known to be illusions).
Quotations:
"The war is simply an obscenity, a depraved act by weak and miserable men, including all of us who have allowed it to go on and on with endless fury and destruction - all of us who would have remained silent, had stability and order been secured."
"It is the fundamental duty of the citizen to resist and to restrain the violence of the state."
"Just as I'm opposed to political fascism, I'm opposed to economic fascism. I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it's pointless to talk about democracy."
"The war is simply an obscenity, a depraved act by weak and miserable men, including all of us who have allowed it to go on and on with endless fury and destruction - all of us who would have remained silent, had stability and order been secured."
"Lenin was a right-wing deviation of the socialist movement."
"There was nothing remotely like socialism in the Soviet Union."
"Non-violent resistance activities cannot succeed against an enemy that is able freely to use violence. That's pretty obvious. You can't have non-violent resistance against the Nazis in a concentration camp, to take an extreme case."
"If we don't believe in free expression for people we despise, we don't believe in it at all."
"This coronavirus pandemic could have been prevented, the information was there to prevent it. In fact, it was well-known. In October 2019, just before the outbreak, there was a large-scale simulation in the United States - possible pandemic of this kind. Nothing was done. The crisis was then made worse by the treachery of the political systems that didn't pay attention to the information that they were aware of."
Membership
Noam Chomsky is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the National Academy of Sciences, the Linguistic Society of America, the American Philosophical Society, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Cognitive Science Society, the Utrecht Society of Arts and Sciences, the German Academy of Sciences Leopoldina, the British Academy, the British Psychological Society, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, the Royal Society of Canada, the Tunisian Academy of Sciences, Letters and Arts, and the Academia Europaea.
American Association for the Advancement of Science
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United States
National Academy of Sciences
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United States
American Academy of Arts and Sciences
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United States
American Philosophical Society
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United States
Linguistic Society of America
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United States
British Academy
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United Kingdom
British Psychological Society
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United Kingdom
German Academy of Sciences Leopoldina
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Germany
Royal Society of Canada
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Canada
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
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Serbia
Academia Europaea
Cognitive Science Society
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United States
Tunisian Academy of Sciences, Letters and Arts
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Tunisia
Utrecht Society of Arts and Sciences
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Netherlands
Personality
Noam Chomsky is humble both in his attitude to his own importance and his living standards (he has resided in the same suburban house in Boston for half a century). He spends six or seven hours a day answering emails, which leaves little time for hobbies.
Physical Characteristics:
Chomsky's height is 1.69 meters.
Quotes from others about the person
"Unlike many leftists of his generation, Chomsky never flirted with movements or organizations that were later revealed to be totalitarian, oppressive, exclusionary, antirevolutionary, or elitist." - Robert Franklin Barsky, Chomsky's biographer
"Noam Chomsky is America’s greatest intellectual. His massive body of work, which includes nearly 100 books, has for decades deflated and exposed the lies of the power elite and the myths they perpetrate. Chomsky has done this despite being blacklisted by the commercial media, turned into a pariah by the academy and, by his own admission, being a pedantic and at times slightly boring speaker. He combines moral autonomy with rigorous scholarship, a remarkable grasp of detail and a searing intellect." - Chris Hedges, American journalist
"Chomsky proceeds on the almost unthinkably subversive assumption that the United States should be judged by the same standards that it preaches (often at gunpoint) to other nations - he is nearly the only person now writing who assumes a single standard of international morality not for rhetorical effect, but as a matter of habitual, practically instinctual conviction." - Christopher Hitchens, British journalist
Interests
sailing
Politicians
Bernie Sanders
Writers
Yevgeny Zamyatin, George Orwell, T-Bone Slim
Artists
Paul Cézanne
Sport & Clubs
baseball
Music & Bands
Johann Sebastian Bach, Pablo Casals
Connections
In 1949, Chomsky married educational specialist Carol Doris Schatz, a woman he had known since childhood. The relationship lasted for 59 years until she died from cancer in 2008. They had three children together: Aviva, Diane, and Harry. For a short time, between Chomsky’s master's and doctoral studies, the couple lived on a kibbutz in Israel. In 2014, Chomsky married Valeria Wasserman.