Background
Paul Samuel Reinsch was born on June 10, 1869 at Milwaukee, Wisconsin, the son of George and Clara (Witte) Reinsch. His father was a Lutheran clergyman.
(Originally published in 1911. This volume from the Cornel...)
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Excerpt from English Common Law in the Early American Colonies The accepted legal theory of this transfer is well known. It is clearly stated by Story in Van Ness v. Packard, 2 Peters, 144 The common law of England is not to be taken in all respects to be that of America. Our ancestors brought with them its general principles, and claimed it as their birth-right; but they brought with them and adopted only that portion which was applicable to their condition. This theory is universally adopted by our courts, and it has given them the important power of judging of the applicability of the principles of the common law to American conditions. According to this view, the common law was from the first looked upon by the colonists as a system of positive and subsidiary law, applying where not replaced by colonial enactments or by special custom suited to new conditions. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
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(This volume was published in 1922. Excerpts from the Int...)
This volume was published in 1922. Excerpts from the Introduction: Is secret diplomacy the evil spirit of modern politics? Is it the force that keeps nations in a state of potential hostility and does not allow a feeling of confidence and of wholehearted co- operation to grow up? Or is it only a trade de- vice, a clever method of surrounding with an aura of importance the doings of the diplomats, a race of men of average wisdom and intelligence who traditionally have valued the prestige of dealing with " secret affairs of state"? Or is it some- thing less romantic than either of these merely the survival from a more barbarous age of in- stincts of secretiveness and chicane acquired at a time when self-defense was the necessity of every hour? It is quite patent that the practice of secret diplomacy is incompatible with the democratic theory of state. Even in the Liberal theory of state it finds little favor, although that is dis- posed to grant a great deal of discretion to the representatives who are given the trusteeship of public affairs. Yet the essential idea of Liberal- ism, government by discussion, includes foreign affairs within its scope fully as much as those of purely domestic concern. In applying to public affairs the experience of private business it is often argued that as the directorate of a corpora- tion could not be expected to transact its busi- ness in public, even so diplomatic conversations are not to be heralded from the house tops. How far this particular analogy between private busi- ness and public affairs will hold, is a point we shall have to examine later. At first sight the planning of private enterprises and the considera- tion of benefits and losses, can hardly furnish completely satisfactory rules for the conduct of public affairs, particularly those involving the life and death of the persons concerned. Stock- holders would be reluctant to allow such matters to be determined by a board of trustees in secret conclave. Divesting ourselves of all prejudices, even of righteous indignation against plainly unconscion- able practices, we shall try to examine and analyze the action of great diplomats and to see to what extent really important results achieved by them have depended upon the use of secret methods. In the 18th Century, diplomacy was still looked upon as a sharp game in which wits were matched, with a complete license as to the means pursued; provided, however, that embarrassing discovery must be avoided, in other words, that the exact method of deception must be so closely guarded that only the results will show. The great diplo- mats of the beginning of the 19th century Met- ternich, Talleyrand, Pozzo di Borgo while they talked much about humanitarian principles, con- tinued to play a barren game of intrigue. Napo- leon III, that master of devious statecraft, will always be cited by excoriators of secret diplomacy as an abhorrent example a man undone by the results of his own plotting. Bismarck indeed prided himself on looking down upon petty se- cret maneuvering and cast a certain amount of contempt on the whole diplomatic business; he often disconcerted his opponents by an unaccus- tomed frankness. Yet the orientation of his statesmanship was based upon the idea of helping history to find a short-cut to her aims through masterful plotting. He took the reins out of the hands of Providence. But let us return to our first question: "Is secret diplomacy the evil spirit of modern poli- ties'?" It is indeed worth inquiring how far our secretive methods in foreign affairs are to blame for the pitiful condition in which the world finds itself to-day. No doubt there is a general belief that secret diplomacy and ever-increasing arma- ments led Europe into the terrible destruction of the Great War and that the continuance of such methods is chiefly to blame for the deplorable condition since the Armistice.
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Excerpt from Readings on American Federal Government Though the Editor has aimed to steer clear of purely partisan dis eussions, it appeared impossible to exclude everything tinged with a party bias without reducing the collection to a neutral and inane level. It is exactly the personal equation in discussion and argument that lends value when backed by character and experience. In order to feel at home in the actual world of political thought and action, the student should be familiar with the controversial methods that he will encounter at every turn, - he should be trained in distinguishing political fact from political Opinion. However, in most of the important matters dealt with in this collection the principle of party allegiance may be regarded as non - essential. The details of House procedure have been attacked by men of all political faiths. Men of all parties have been united upon the necessity of public control of corporations. As a matter of fact, of recent years, controversies in our legislative bodies have rarely taken on the form of pure party action. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
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Diplomat educator political scientist
Paul Samuel Reinsch was born on June 10, 1869 at Milwaukee, Wisconsin, the son of George and Clara (Witte) Reinsch. His father was a Lutheran clergyman.
At the age of ten he entered Concordia College, a Milwaukee preparatory school, then he attended the University of Wisconsin, receiving the B. A. degree in 1892 and the LL. B. in 1894. After practising law for one year, he returned to the University to continue graduate study. He completed work for the Ph. D. degree in 1898.
He was thereafter appointed assistant professor of political science.
In 1901 he was promoted to a full professorship, a post which he retained until 1913. He was one of the organizers, in 1904, of the American Political Science Association, serving as vice-president for the first year, and from 1906 to 1917 he was a member of the board of editors of the American Political Science Review. He was a member of the United States delegation to the third and fourth Pan-American Conferences in 1906 and 1910, and to the first Pan-American Scientific Congress at Santiago in 1909. Despite his other activities, Reinsch's chief interests were centered at this time in his writing and university teaching.
He had achieved a national reputation as a vigorous productive scholar who had declared himself a foe of the imperialist aggressor and a champion of the subject peoples. He had devoted much time and attention to the problems of the Far East, and especially to those of China, and in 1913 he was asked by President Wilson to become the American minister to China.
He remained at Peking through six difficult years. Unfailing in his sympathy for the Chinese people, he brought his specialized training as a political scientist to bear upon the many difficulties that beset the republican experiment and, in private and semi-official capacities, he advised freely with the harassed native officials. It was his conviction, emphasized in audiences with President Yuan Shih-kai, that a sound growth of Chinese representative government must be accompanied by constructive policies in public administration, the whole operated, for some time to come, under the guidance of able foreign experts. He endeavored to enlist American Red Cross support for the badly needed Huai river conservation program, and he exerted all possible pressure to prevent the powers from presenting the Chinese government with excessive claims for damages arising out of the destruction of property incident to the revolution.
Following the death of Yuan Shih-kai Reinsch urged the American government to use its influence to help bring some order from the chaos that appeared imminent. It seemed to him that this end might be furthered by a definite Chinese policy toward the World War. This, he hoped, would have a unifying effect at home and might aid China to secure in the war settlements the abrogation of some of the unequal treaties. Early in February 1917 he learned from the Chinese government that, while there was much official sympathy with President Wilson's policy toward Germany, the government did not feel able to associate itself with The United States "unless assured that it could obtain from American sources such financial and other assistance as would enable it to take the measures appropriate to the situation which would thus be created".
Cable contacts with the State Department were temporarily disrupted and Reinsch, fearing that delay might be fatal, announced on his own initiative that he had recommended to Washington the desired grant of financial assistance. He also pressed his suggestion that, as a quid pro quo for China's entrance into the war, the Allied governments should adopt a common declaration of policy toward China, pledging themselves to fortify her sovereignty and to prevent the further growth of special privileges and spheres of influence. But all of these attempts were in vain. China's participation in the war did not secure for her the allied support that Reinsch had endeavored to obtain. When the Shantung award was announced, a death blow seemed to have been dealt to Chinese aspirations, and Reinsch resigned his post shortly thereafter (August 1919).
His departure from China was the occasion of a great popular demonstration, and he was immediately appointed a legal advisor to the Chinese government, a position which he retained for the remainder of his life.
Returning to the United States, he resumed tentatively the practice of law but continued to devote the major portion of his time to writing, lecturing, and the duties involved in the Chinese advisory work. In the latter connection he participated actively in the Washington Arms Conference of 1921-22 and made frequent trips to the Orient. His writings of this period include many short articles and two books: Secret Diplomacy: How Far Can it be Eliminated?, and An American Diplomat in China (1922).
While in China in the autumn of 1922 he became ill and the malady was eventually diagnosed as encephalitis. Bronchial pneumonia developed and he died at Shanghai, January 24, 1923.
(Excerpt from Readings on American Federal Government Tho...)
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( This work has been selected by scholars as being cultur...)
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(Excerpt from English Common Law in the Early American Col...)
(This is a pre-1923 historical reproduction that was curat...)
(This volume was published in 1922. Excerpts from the Int...)
(Originally published in 1911. This volume from the Cornel...)
(Originally published in 1922. This volume from the Cornel...)
(Originally published in 1911. This volume from the Cornel...)
He had been married on August 1, 1900, to Alma Marie Moser, of Ashland, Wisconsin, who with three children survived him.