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John Forsyth was born at Fredericksburg, Virginia, the son of Robert and Fanny (Johnson) Houston Forsyth. His father, a descendant of James Forsyth, who came to Virginia from Scotland in 1680, won a major’s rank in the Revolution, then served as the first federal marshal of Georgia.
The son was educated at Princeton, then after his graduation in 1799 studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1802.
He was admitted to the bar in 1802. Six years later, with his appointment as attorney-general of Georgia, his political career began. As representative, United States senator, governor of Georgia, minister to Spain, and secretary of state, he gave thirty years of his life to the public service.
His first years in Congress (1813 - 18) coincided roughly with Madison’s second term, and Forsyth was one of the President’s supporters.
He was promoted to the Senate late in 1818, but had scarcely taken his seat when he resigned to accept the appointment as minister to Spain (February 1819). The only work of importance which fell to him in this position was to procure the ratification by the King of the treaty of 1819, ceding Florida to the United States.
His conduct in these negotiations added nothing to his fame. He had not yet developed the suavity and tact for which he later was known. Disliking the Spanish, he was peremptory and impatient, and was rebuked by the Spanish foreign office for his bad manners (McCormac, John Forsyth, p. 303). He succeeded, however, in securing the ratification of the treaty.
While Forsyth was still in Europe, his old constituency in Georgia reelected him to Congress. This second period of congressional service extended from March 1823 to March 1827. In the latter year he was elected governor of Georgia. After one rather uneventful term he was again elected to the United States Senate and served from November 9, 1829, to June 27, 1834.
His second incumbency came during a period of importance in our national history. The country was divided politically by the issues raised during the “reign” of Andrew Jackson. The fight over the protective tariff, culminating in the nullification movement, was perhaps the most interesting episode of Jackson’s career. In this and in other bitter controversies with his enemies, a group which included nearly all of the prominent figures of the time, Jackson had the unswerving support of John Forsyth, who was one of his ablest champions. The two factions in Georgia at this time were the State-rights, or Troup party, comprising the planter aristocrats, and the Clark men, who were unionist in feeling.
Forsyth had entered Congress in 1823 as an adherent of the State-rights party, and had supported Troup when the latter, as governor, had challenged the federal government in connection with the removal of the Indians. The nullification issue may be said to have begun in 1828 with the passage of the “tariff of abominations. ” Feeling was running high in that quarter. South Carolina, under Calhoun’s leadership, was moving towards nullification. In November 1832 a convention met at Milledgeville, the capital, to denounce the tariff and to throw Georgia’s support to South Carolina, even to the point of nullification. J. M. Berrien, an enemy of the President, was the leader of the nullifiers; Forsyth led the opposition.
He not only regarded nullification as an ineffective constitutional remedy, but, as a strong administration man, felt called upon to support Jackson. On the second day of the convention Forsyth introduced resolutions calling for the appointment of a committee to examine the credentials of the members of the convention.
This precipitated an oratorical contest surpassed by few in Georgia history. Berrien, who had been dubbed the “American Cicero, ” and Forsyth, regarded by contemporaries as the “best off-hand debater in the world, ” locked horns for three days. Forsyth contended in the debate that the convention was in no wise representative of Georgia sentiment since the members had not been selected in such a manner as to empower them to speak for the state.
Many counties were wholly unrepresented. After protracted debate, his proposal was voted down, whereupon he seceded, followed by fifty of his adherents.
His withdrawal proved permanent and had the effect of sobering the convention. Some of the newspapers denounced him; others praised him. The legislature left no room for doubt as to its position. Clear-cut resolutions were adopted condemning both nullification and the action of the convention.
Meanwhile South Carolina proceeded to nullify the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832, eliciting from President Jackson his December proclamation. In March following, Congress passed the Force Bill.
Forsyth cast his vote in favor of the bill, and for this he was severely condemned. In Macon he was burned in effigy. Grand juries elsewhere charged him with apostasy to Georgia and the South, and demanded his resignation. It would be an exaggeration to affirm that in challenging the authority of the convention to speak for the state, in seceding from the convention, and in vigorously combating the doctrine of nullification Forsyth was responsible for Georgia’s final action. Other leading politicians of the state were quite as strongly opposed to radical action. Had he aligned himself with Berrien, however, the two might have committed the state to nullification, and had Georgia supported South Carolina, the movement might have spread to alarming proportions.
Certainly he stood out in the anti-nullification fight more distinctly and fearlessly than any other leader. While Forsyth was still in the Senate Jackson began his fight on the second Bank of the United States. Endorsing the President’s attitude toward the bank, the Georgian delivered a striking speech after the Senate had passed the resolutions censuring Jackson for removing the government deposits.
He justified the President’s conduct, and in his peroration paid him an eloquent tribute for his courageous stand in the nullification crisis. “The cup of bitterness, humiliation, and woe passed untasted from our lips. Would it thus have passed away if that despised, reprobated, vilified, hated, but just and stern, old man had not occupied the House and the hearts of the people ?”
The quarrel with France concerned the adjustment of our claims for losses to American vessels during the Napoleonic wars. In 1831 Jackson succeeded in negotiating a treaty with France according to which $5, 000, 000 were to be paid in six annual installments, and the United States was to lower the duties on French wines.
Though the American government immediately carried into effect her part of the agreement, internal political conditions in France were such that Louis Philippe was unable to get the Chamber to make the necessary appropriations to pay the annual installments on the American debt.
A long, bitter, and irritating contest followed. Jackson, adamant in insisting upon our rights, and supported by Forsyth and Livingston, our ambassador, succeeded in arranging for the payment of the installments (McCormac, post, ch. ii). John Fiske well summarized the incident: ‘‘The days when foreign powers could safely insult us were evidently gone by. ” The Texas question presented a grave problem.
A number of negotiators or ministers extraordinary were sent from time to time by Texas after the revolution from Mexico to discuss recognition and annexation with President Jackson and with Secretary Forsyth. The reports of the emissaries to their government showed that they had great difficulty in learning just what the attitude of the administration vras.
Forsyth seemed generally to be opposed to both recognition and admission, but in the end nothing had been done at the time of his retirement.
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At heart, however, he was a unionist, and though long identified with the Troup faction, he was gradually alienated from his erstwhile State-rights supporters by the trend of events after 1828.
As governor, Forsyth had denounced the measure in a message to the legislature and had referred to the possibility of neutralizing it by state action. In the Senate, with Troup, he voted against the tariff act of July 1832, which gave no relief to the South.
Other leading politicians of the state were quite as strongly opposed to radical action. Had he aligned himself with Berrien, however, the two might have committed the state to nullification, and had Georgia supported South Carolina, the movement might have spread to alarming proportions. Certainly he stood out in the anti-nullification fight more distinctly and fearlessly than any other leader.
While Forsyth was still in the Senate Jackson began his fight on the second Bank of the United States. Endorsing the President's attitude toward the bank, the Georgian delivered a striking speech after the Senate had passed the resolutions censuring Jackson for removing the government deposits.
He justified the President's conduct, and in his peroration paid him an eloquent tribute for his courageous stand in the nullification crisis. "The cup of bitterness, humiliation, and woe passed untasted from our lips. Would it thus have passed away if that despised, reprobated, vilified, hated, but just and stern, old man had not occupied the House and the hearts of the people?" In recognition of the services of the senator, Jackson in 1834 appointed him secretary of state.
Forsyth held the post for the remainder of Jackson's term and through the administration of Van Buren. During these years the most interesting matters which awaited settlement were the disagreeable contest with France over the treaty of 1831 and the question of the admission of Texas into the Union. The quarrel with France concerned the adjustment of our claims for losses to American vessels during the Napoleonic wars.
Member of the U. S. House of Representatives
from Georgia's at-large congressional district
March 4, 1813 – November 23, 1818
Member of the U. S. House of Representatives
from Georgia's at-large congressional district
March 4, 1823 – March 3, 1827
Member of the U. S. House of Representatives
from Georgia's 2nd congressional district
March 4, 1827 – November 7, 1827
Disliking the Spanish, he was peremptory and impatient, and was rebuked by the Spanish foreign office for his bad manners (McCormac, John Forsyth, p. 303).
He was "acute, witty, full of resources, and ever prompt, --impetuous as Murat in a charge, adroit as Soult when flanked and outnumbered" (Miller, post, p. 51).
By all accounts Forsyth was a man of uncommon personal attractions. His form and features were described as classical, his manners courtly.
He was even-tempered and had a rich sense of humor. As an orator he had few equals. His voice was clear, resonant, pleasant to the ear, and well modulated, and his contemporaries appear to have almost unanimously agreed that he was the most powerful debater of his time.
Strongly inclined toward fashionable life and its "heartless formalities, " he was not a popular man, for he had little concern for the interests of the masses; his world was that of the diplomat and courtier.
In early life he married Clara, the daughter of Josiah Meigs, the first president of Franklin College (later the University of Georgia), and established a home near Augusta, Georgia.
Of his children the best-known were John, minister to Mexico in 1856; and Julia, wife of Alfred Iverson, United States senator from Georgia.
Of his children the best-known were John, minister to Mexico in 1856; and Julia, wife of Alfred Iverson, United States senator from Georgia.
