Background

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was born into a Russian working-class family on February 1, 1931, in the small Siberian village of Butko. After the takeover of the harvest by the state, his family moved to Kazan, where his father made a living by working in a construction site. His mother worked as a seamstress.

Education

A strong-willed child, Boris twice stood up to the educational system. At his elementary school graduation he criticized his homeroom teacher's abusive and arbitrary behavior, resulting in his expulsion. He appealed the decision and, after an investigation, the teacher was dismissed. During his last year in high school Yeltsin was stricken with typhoid fever and forced to study at home. Denied the right to take final examinations because he had not attended school, he appealed and won.

Trained as an engineer, Yeltsin graduated from the Ural Polytechnic Institute.

Career

Yeltsin initially worked as an engineer in the construction industry in Sverdlovsk, moved into management of the industry, and later went to a career in the Communist Party, eventually becoming first secretary of the party in Sverdlovsk. Yeltsin joined the CPSU at age 30, relatively late for a man with political aspirations.

In 1985 Mikhail S. Gorbachev, the new general secretary of the CPSU, brought Yeltsin to Moscow to serve as secretary for the construction industry. Within a year he was appointed head of the Communist Party of Moscow. The 18 months that followed were a time of achievement and frustration, culminating in his dismissal as a Candidate member of the Politburo and first secretary of the Moscow Party ("the Yeltsin affair").

Yeltsin did not like Moscow at first and criticized the privileges of the city's political elite as extravagant compared with life in Sverdlovsk. In a letter to Gorbachev, written in late summer 1987, Yeltsin asked to be relieved of his responsibilities in the Politburo. Initially he did not receive a response, but a disagreement on policy issues led to the confrontation in the Central Committee in October 1987. Yeltsin criticized the pace of the reforms known as perestroika and the behavior of some Politburo members. Yeltsin was removed as secretary of the Moscow party and his resignation from the Politburo was accepted. Yeltsin remained a party member, and Gorbachev appointed him a deputy minister in the construction industry, an area in which he had decades of experience.

As a political leader in Sverdlovsk and Moscow, Yeltsin was described as both a populist and an autocrat in his management style. At times preemptory in his action and approach, he often traveled to work on public transportation and mingled with ordinary people, unusual behavior among the Soviet elite, accustomed to travel in curtained limousines.

In the late 1980s, after Yeltsin criticized perestroika, his personal relationship with Gorbachev deteriorated. Publicly Gorbachev was reticent, but from 1987 to 1991 Yeltsin faced opposition at every step as he attempted to rebuild his political career. In the 1989 elections for the newly created Congress of People's Deputies (the new parliament), Yeltsin ran for a seat in Moscow against the nominee of the Communist Party, who managed the prestigious ZIL automobile factory. Yeltsin surprised the party by receiving 90 percent of the vote and, with great difficulty, was subsequently elected by the deputies to the smaller, more important, parliamentary body, the Supreme Soviet. Gorbachev was elected (chairman) president of the U.S.S.R. by the new parliament.

During 1989-1990 Yeltsin's populist views made him a folk hero in Moscow, where crowds chanting "Yeltsin, Yeltsin" were a frequent sight. In the Supreme Soviet he served on the steering committee of the interregional coalition of deputies with Andrei Sakharov. Yeltsin was also elected to the Russian parliament, which in May 1990 selected him as chairman (president) of the Russian Republic.

Yeltsin and Gorbachev never again achieved a sustained close working relationship, although at times they cooperated during the last 18 months of the Soviet Union. At the CPSU's 28th Congress in 1990 Yeltsin and other reformers within the party supported Gorbachev's leadership against the conservatives, led by Y.K. Ligachev. Although the Congress favored the conservatives, Ligachev was forced into retirement. Yeltsin had the last word when, late in the Congress, he publicly resigned from the party.

In June 1991 the Russian Republic held its first popularly contested election for president, and Yeltsin defeated six opponents to win the presidency. As president he declared the Russian Republic autonomous of the U.S.S.R. and offered to cooperate with the Baltic Republics, which were seeking freedom from the U.S.S.R. Such movements contributed to Gorbachev's decision to negotiate with the 15 Soviet republics to discuss ways to enhance their self government. The result was a draft treaty scheduled for signing in late August 1991.

Yeltsin as president of the Russian Republic (RSFSR) and Gorbachev as president of the U.S.S.R. agreed to cooperate on economic reform, a reversal of their estrangement since 1987. However, on August 19, 1991, eight conservative party and government leaders perpetrated a coup against the vacationing Gorbachev. Yeltsin led the dramatic struggle on the ramparts of the Russian parliament (the "White House") in Moscow that defeated the coup and secured Gorbachev's return to Moscow.

In the aftermath of Gorbachev's rescue, Yeltsin consolidated his own power. Arguing the complicity of some of their leaders in the coup, Yeltsin led the movement to dissolve the Russian parliament and outlaw the Communist Party on Russian soil. These acts further weakened Gorbachev's power base. The draft treaty of the republics was never signed. In the fall of 1991 Yeltsin and other republic leaders declared the independence of their respective republics, and in December the presidents of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (Belorussia) formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), declaring they would no longer recognize the U.S.S.R. as of January 1, 1992. Eight other republics joined the CIS, while four republics became completely independent. Gorbachev resigned before year's end, and as of January 1, 1992, there was no more U.S.S.R. Yeltsin, who in 1987 had been dismissed from the Soviet leadership, became the head of post-Soviet Russia, the largest of the Soviet successor states. This was a political comeback unprecedented in Soviet history.

In December 1993 Yeltsin suffered a setback in the parliamentary elections, which he had called. Prominent reformers ran in rival parties, thus weakening their overall impact. The radical right, led by Vladimir Zhirinovsky, and the neo-Communists consequently made a better showing in the elections than they might have done if reformers had been united.

Yeltsin remained at the helm of Russian politics, but as a less heroic figure than the Yeltsin of 1991. Although reelected in 1996, Yeltsin's future was clouded by Russia's economic crisis and the failure of his reform program, combined with the bitter aftertaste of Yeltsin's confrontation with parliament. More importantly, after the 1996 elections it became clear that he had deceived the Russian people about his health. In fact, he had suffered a heart attack prior to elections, and was not well. In The Nation Daniel Singer wrote, "The Russians would not have voted for Yeltsin had they known he was such an invalid. Only extraordinarily tight government control over television enabled the stage managers to conceal his heart attack." Although he continued as president, there was much speculation within the international and Russian community as to who his successor would be. In May 1997 World Press Review observed, "Considering that most recent Russian leaders have been sickly, it is odd that the Russian constitution seems to presuppose a vigorous leader." The problem left many more than a little uneasy.

Despite his poor health, Yeltsin met with President Clinton in Helsinki in March 1997. Among the important issues addressed, Yeltsin approved a new Russian role in NATO, despite his opposition to NATO expansion. In essence, President Clinton assured the Russians a seat on NATO councils, stating they would "have a voice, not a veto." But it was clear that Yeltsin expected a right to override actions Russia found unacceptable. In exchange for this new position within NATO, Yeltsin implied the Russians would cease their opposition to NATO expansion.

In his new term, Yeltsin continued to face domestic problems in 1997. The Russian financial picture continued to grow grim: the gross national product fell another 6 percent in 1996, industrial production was off even more, and even the life expectancy dropped drastically, by 6 years. Of the 1997 Russian financial picture, Singer pointed out, "Barter, debt-swapping and hidden financial transactions are replacing normal exchange. Fiscal fraud has reached epidemic proportions." Indeed, in 1997, employees frequently waited as long as three months for payment. Despite such a grim financial picture, President Yeltsin was a resilient politician with keen political insights who rebounded from defeat after defeat.

Achievements

• 

  He was one of the most complex and enigmatic political leaders of his time. A long-time Communist Party leader in Sverdlovsk (Ekaterinburg) and later Moscow, he was an important leader in the reform movements of the late 1980 and 1990. Yeltsin was perceived at varying times as a folk hero, as a symbol of Russia's struggle to establish a democracy, and as a dictatorial figure.
  
  His exceptional political career won him several prestigious Russian and soviet awards including, Order of Merit for the Fatherland, Order of Lenin, Order of the Red Banner of Labour, Order of the Badge of Honour and so on.
  
  Countries across the globe conferred upon him their highest decorations such as Order of Francisc Skorina (Belarus), Knight Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour (France), Knight Grand Cross with collar of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (Italy), Order of Good Hope (South Africa), Grand Cross of the Order of the Cross of Vytis (Lithuania), Order ‘For Personal Courage’ (Mongolia) and Order of the Three Stars, (Latvia).
  
  Posthumously, he was bestowed with the title, Honorary Citizen of the Sverdlovsk Oblast, Kazan, Samara Oblast, Yerevan (Armenia) and Turkmenistan.

Works

More photos

• book

  • The Struggle for Russia
  • Midnight Diaries
  • Against the Grain: An Autobiography

Religion

One of Boris Yeltsin’s key contributions was in the area of religious freedom. The collapse of the Soviet Union suddenly made a law on freedom of conscience and religious organizations enacted in 1990 the law of the land. In just a few years believers rebuilt ruined houses of worship; the state registered thousands of churches; and religious content reappeared in books, radio broadcasts, television, and other public venues. After decades of scientific atheism and ruthless repression of believers, Russians could decide whether or not to believe in God and how to express their religious beliefs. The Yeltsin administration was solicitous of religious freedom and worked hard to make Russia a tolerant nation at the highest levels. The Constitution President Yeltsin proposed in December 1993 contained notable provisions on religious freedom and other Human rights.

Full religious freedom proved unacceptable to certain reactionary members of the Russian parliament. By 4 July 1993, opponents of religious liberty had introduced legislation to require closure of all but a handful of state controlled, Soviet-era religious organizations.Yeltsin courageously vetoed this legislation, despite strong parliamentary support for the measure. This and other disputes with the Duma eventually led to the October 1993 siege of the Russian “White House.” Amazingly, the only piece of legislation considered and adopted by those holed up in the White House was the same Restrictive amendment to the law, “On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations,” that had been vetoed by Yeltsin earlier that year. The president’s orders to storm the White House, dismiss the Duma, and order new elections invalidated that legislation. Despite the unfortunate circumstances, Yeltsin’s actions had the positive result of sustaining new and fragile religious freedoms in Russia at a critical moment. Again in 1997, the Duma adopted restrictive legislation, but Yeltsin preserved religious freedoms by ordering his government to interpret the law in a more liberal manner than its written text. Despite some negative subsequent legal developments, the basic religious freedom still enjoyed by Russian citizens today is a lasting and significant legacy of his presidency. Without Yeltsin’s personal intervention and courage, Russia today would have only a handful of state-sanctioned religious associations. People of faith within and outside Russia owe Boris Yeltsin a huge debt of gratitude.

Politics

Yeltsin began a new chapter in 1992 as president of independent Russia. He undertook an ambitious program of economic reform known as "shock therapy," which accelerated the pace of privatization and allowed prices to float as a strategy to move quickly toward a market economy. The results were mixed. Privatization progressed but at the price of skyrocketing inflation and currency devaluation without increased production. Yeltsin's policies were frequently challenged during 1992, culminating in a major showdown with the Russian parliament in December 1992. Acting Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar, an advocate of shock therapy, was forced out, although within a year he returned to Yeltsin's cabinet. Viktor Chernomyrdin, a compromise candidate, became prime minister. Yeltsin's relationship with the parliament further deteriorated in 1993, and some of his 1991 political allies on the ramparts of the White House led the parliamentary opposition. Yeltsin dissolved parliament in September 1993, a sit-in ensued, and in early October 1993, a confrontation occurred, resulting in hundreds of deaths and injuries as well as considerable damage to the White House and other Moscow landmarks. The sit-in was eventually routed.

Yeltsin survived the political crisis, but his prestige and reputation suffered. The democratic Yeltsin who protested in the streets of Moscow in the late 1980s was forgotten, and a dictatorial image of Yeltsin emerged.

Views

Quotations: "Let's not talk about Communism. Communism was just an idea, just pie in the sky."

"A man must live like a great brilliant flame and burn as brightly as he can. In the end he burns out. But this is far better than a mean little flame."

"A total of 1,580 people, the civilian population, suffered as a result of the bloody wave of terrorist acts that swept over Moscow and other towns and villages of our country."

"We don't appreciate what we have until it's gone. Freedom is like that. It's like air. When you have it, you don't notice it."

"You have no right to criticise Russia over Chechnya."

"I would like to stress here that a lasting peace in the Chechen republic and so-called peace talks with the bandits are not the same thing, and I would ask everyone to make no mistake about that."

"There were no strategic mistakes that could affect Russia's history and it further development. No, there were no such mistakes. Tactical errors were made in some less significant options, problems and so on. But, on the whole, Russia embarked on a correct path and it changed."

"We want peace and a political solution to the situation in Chechnya."

Personality

At times preemptory in his action and approach, he often traveled to work on public transportation and mingled with ordinary people, unusual behavior among the Soviet elite, accustomed to travel in curtained limousines.

According to numerous reports, Yeltsin was alcohol dependent. Yeltsin's personal and health problems received a great deal of attention in the global press. As the years went on, he was often viewed as an increasingly unstable leader, rather than the inspiring figure he was once seen as. The possibility that he might die in office was often discussed.

Physical Characteristics: He suffered from heart disease ever since he became the President.

Quotes from others about the person

• "The reformer Yeltsin represents the tendency which wants to reduce the gigantic state apparatus. Consequently he follows in Trotsky's footsteps."
  
  Ernest Mandel in New Times, 21 March 1990. Quote from Harpal Brar's Trotskyism or Leninism?, pp. 56.
  
  "He's been on the verge of death so many times. … His doctors themselves are in shock that he's still alive. Half the blood vessels in his brain are about to burst after his strokes, his intestines are spotted all over with holes, he has giant ulcers in his stomach, his heart is in absolutely disgusting condition, he is literally rotting … He could die from any one of dozens of physical problems that he has, but contrary to all laws of nature — he lives."
  
  General Alexander Lebed; Lebed died in 2002, Yeltsin lived to 2007.

Connections

He tied the nuptial knot with Naina Iosifovna Yeltsina in 1956. The couple was blessed with two daughters Yelena and Tatyana in 1957 and 1959 respectively.

Father:

Nikolai Yeltsin

Mother:

Klavdiya Vasilyevna Yeltsina

Spouse:

Naina Iosifovna Yeltsina

She was born in the Orenburg Oblast in 1932.

Daughter:

Elena Borisovna Okulova

Daughter:

Tatyana Yumasheva

colleague:

Elizabeth II

colleague:

Mikhail Gorbachev

colleague:

George Bush

References

• Yeltsin: A Life
• Boris Yeltsin: The Decade that Shook the World eBook: Boris Minayev: Kindle Store
• The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep: Russia's Road to Terror and Dictatorship under Yeltsin and Putin
• Boris Yeltsin: From Bolshevik to Democrat
• Boris Yeltsin and Russia's Democratic Transformation (Jackson School Publications in International Studies)
• A Man of Change: A study of the political life of Boris Yeltsin - Kindle edition by M.R. Zezina, O.G. Malysheva, F.V. Malkhozova, R.G. Pikhoya. Politics & Social Sciences Kindle eBooks @ Amazon.com.
• Yeltsin: A Revolutionary Life