Ho Chi Minh was a Vietnamese politician, revolutionary, and statesman. He was a founder of the Indochina Communist Party in 1930 and its successor, the Viet-Minh in 1941, and president from 1945 to 1969 of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. He was one of the prime movers of the post-World War II anti-colonial movement in Asia and one of the most influential communist leaders of the 20th century.
Career
After leaving Collège Quốc học Ho Chi Minh is known to have been a schoolmaster in Phan Thiet and then was apprenticed at a technical institute in Saigon. In 1911, under the name of Ba, he found work as a cook on a French steamer. He was a seaman for more than three years, visiting various African ports and the American cities of Boston and New York. After living in London from 1915 to 1917, he moved to France, where he worked, in turn, as a gardener, sweeper, waiter, photo retoucher, and oven stoker.
During the six years that Ho Chi Minh spent in France (1917-1923), he became an active socialist under the name Nguyen Ai Quoc (“Nguyen the Patriot”). He organized a group of Vietnamese living there and in 1919 addressed an eight-point petition to the representatives of the great powers at the Versailles Peace Conference that concluded World War I. In the petition, Ho demanded that the French colonial power grant its subjects in Indochina equal rights with the rulers. This act brought no response from the peacemakers, but it made him a hero to many politically conscious Vietnamese. The following year, inspired by the success of the communist revolution in Russia and Vladimir Lenin’s anti-imperialist doctrine, Ho joined the French Communists when they withdrew from the Socialist Party in December 1920.
After his years of militant activity in France, where Ho Chi Minh became acquainted with most of the French working-class leaders, he went to Moscow at the end of 1923. In January 1924, following the death of Lenin, he published a moving farewell to the founder of the Soviet Union in Pravda. Six months later, from June 17 to July 8, he took an active part in the Fifth Congress of the Communist International, during which he criticized the French Communist Party for not opposing colonialism more vigorously. His statement to the congress is noteworthy because it contains the first formulation of his belief in the importance of the revolutionary role of oppressed peasants (as opposed to industrial workers).
In December 1924, under the assumed name of Ly Thuy, Ho Chi Minh went to Canton (Guangzhou), a communist stronghold, where he recruited the first cadres of the Vietnamese nationalist movement, organizing them into the Vietnam Thanh Nien Cach Menh Dong Chi Hoi (“Vietnamese Revolutionary Youth Association”), which became famous under the name Thanh Nien. Almost all of its members had been exiled from Indochina because of their political beliefs and had gathered together in order to participate in the struggle against French rule over their country. Thus, Canton became the first home of Indochinese nationalism.
When Chiang Kai-shek, then commander of the Chinese army, expelled the Chinese communists from Canton in April 1927, Ho Chi Minh again sought refuge in the Soviet Union. In 1928 he went to Brussels and Paris and then to Siam (now Thailand), where he spent two years as a representative of the Communist International, the world organization of communist parties, in Southeast Asia. His followers, however, remained in South China.
Meeting in Hong Kong in May 1929, members of the Thanh Nien decided to form the Indochinese Communist Party (PCI). Others - in the Vietnamese cities of Hanoi, Hue, and Saigon - began the actual work of the organization, but some of Ho’s lieutenants were reluctant to act in the absence of their leader, who had the confidence of Moscow. Ho was brought back from Siam, therefore, and on February 3, 1930, he presided over the founding of the party. At first, it was called the Vietnamese Communist Party, but, after October 1930, Ho, acting on Soviet advice, adopted the name Indochinese Communist Party. In this phase of his career, Ho acted more as an arbiter of conflicts among the various factions, allowing the organization of revolutionary action, rather than as an initiator. His prudence, his awareness of what it was possible to accomplish, his care not to alienate Moscow, and the influence that he already had achieved among the Vietnamese Communists can be seen in these actions.
The creation of the PCI coincided with a violent insurrectionary movement in Vietnam. Repression by the French was brutal; Ho himself was condemned in absentia to death as a revolutionary. He sought refuge in Hong Kong, where the French police obtained permission from the British for his extradition, but friends helped him escape, and he reached Moscow via Shanghai.
In 1935 the Seventh Congress of the International, meeting in Moscow, which he attended as a chief delegate for the PCI, officially sanctioned the idea of the Popular Front (an alliance with the noncommunist left against fascism) - a policy Ho had advocated for some time. In keeping with this policy, the Communists in Indochina moderated their anticolonialist stance in 1936, allowing for cooperation with “antifascist colonialists.” The formation of Premier Léon Blum’s Popular Front government in France in the same year allowed leftist forces in Indochina to operate more freely, although Ho, because of his condemnation in 1930, was not permitted to return from exile. Repression returned to Indochina with the fall of the Blum government in 1937, and by 1938 the Popular Front was dead.
In 1938 Ho returned to China and stayed for a few months with Mao Zedong at Yen-an. When France was defeated by Germany in 1940, Ho and his lieutenants, Vo Nguyen Giap and Pham Van Dong plotted to use this turn of events to advance their own cause. About this time he began to use the name Ho Chi Minh (“He Who Enlightens”). Crossing over the border into Vietnam in January 1941, the trio and five comrades organized in May the Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh Hoi (League for the Independence of Vietnam), or Viet Minh; this gave renewed emphasis to peculiarly Vietnamese nationalism.
The new organization was forced to seek help in China from the government of Chiang Kai-shek. But Chiang distrusted Ho as a Communist and had him arrested. Ho was then imprisoned in China for 18 months, during which time he wrote his famed Notebook from Prison (a collection of short poems written in classical Chinese, a mixture of melancholy, stoicism, and a call for revolution). His friends obtained his release by an arrangement with Chiang Fa-k’uei, a warlord in South China, agreeing in return to support Chiang’s interests in Indochina against the French.
In 1945 two events occurred that paved the way to power for the Vietnamese revolutionaries. First, the Japanese completely overran Indochina and imprisoned or executed all French officials. Six months later the United States dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, and the Japanese were totally defeated. Thus, the two strongest adversaries of the Viet Minh and Ho Chi Minh were eliminated.
Ho Chi Minh seized his opportunity. Within a few months, he contacted United States forces and began to collaborate with the Office of Strategic Services (OSS; a United States undercover operation) against the Japanese. Further, his Viet Minh guerrillas fought against the Japanese in the mountains of South China.
At the same time, commandos formed by Vo Nguyen Giap, under Ho’s direction, began to move toward Hanoi, the Vietnamese capital, in the spring of 1945. After Japan’s surrender to the Allies, they entered Hanoi on August 19. Finally, on September 2, before an enormous crowd gathered in Ba Dinh Square, Ho Chi Minh declared Vietnam independent, using words ironically reminiscent of the United States Declaration of Independence: “All men are born equal: the Creator has given us inviolable rights, life, liberty, and happiness!”
All obstacles were not removed from the path of the Viet Minh, however. According to the terms of an Allied agreement, Chiang Kai-shek’s troops were supposed to replace the Japanese north of the 16th parallel. More significantly, France, now liberated and under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle, did not intend to simply accept the fait accompli of an independent Vietnam and attempted to reassert its control. On October 6 the French general Jacques Leclerc landed in Saigon, followed a few days later by a strong armored division. Within three months he had control of South Vietnam. Ho Chi Minh had to choose between continuing the fight or negotiating. He chose negotiations, but not without preparing for an eventual transition to war.
Ho Chi Minh’s strategy was to get the French to make the Chinese in the north withdraw and then to work for a treaty with France in which recognition of independence, evacuation of Leclerc’s forces, and reunification of the country would be assured. Negotiations began in late October 1945, but the French refused to speak of independence, and Ho was caught in a stalemate. In March the deadlock was broken: on his side, Ho Chi Minh allowed parties other than the Viet Minh to be included in the new government, in an attempt to gain a wider base of support for the demands made on the French, and, at the same time, the French sent a diplomatic mission to China to obtain the evacuation of the Chinese soldiers. This was done, and some of Leclerc’s troops were also removed from Haiphong, in the north. Having secured the withdrawal of the Chinese, Ho signed an agreement with the French on March 6. According to its terms, Vietnam was recognized as a “free state with its own government, army, and finances,” but it was integrated into a French Union in which Paris continued to play the key role. Twelve days later Leclerc entered Hanoi with a few battalions, which were to be confined to a restricted area.
The agreement was unsatisfactory to extremists on both sides, and Ho Chi Minh went to France for a series of conferences (June to September 1946) and concluded a second agreement with the French government. But the peace was broken by an incident at Haiphong (November 20-23, 1946), when a French cruiser opened fire on the town after a clash between French and Vietnamese soldiers. Almost 6,000 Vietnamese were killed, and hope for an amicable settlement ended. Sick and disillusioned, Ho Chi Minh was not able to oppose demands for retaliation by his more militant followers, and the First Indochina War began on December 19.
After a few months, Ho Chi Minh, who had sought refuge in a remote area of North Vietnam, attempted to reestablish contact with Paris, but the terms he was offered were unacceptable. In 1948 the French offered to return the former Annamese (Vietnamese) emperor Bao Dai, who had abdicated in favor of the revolution in August 1945. These terms were more favorable than those offered to Ho Chi Minh two years earlier because the French were now attempting to weaken the Viet Minh by supporting the traditional ruling class in Vietnam. But this policy was not successful. The Viet Minh army, commanded by Giap, was able to contain the French and Bao Dai’s forces with guerrilla tactics and terrorism, and by the end of 1953, most of the countryside was under Viet Minh control, with the larger cities under a virtual state of siege. The French were decisively defeated at Dien Bien Phu on May 7, 1954, and had no choice but to negotiate.
From May to July 21, 1954, representatives of eight countries - with Vietnam represented by two delegations, one composed of supporters of Ho Chi Minh, the other of supporters of Bao Dai - met in Geneva to find a solution. They concluded with an agreement according to which Vietnam was to be divided at the 17th parallel until elections, scheduled for 1956, after which the Vietnamese would establish a unified government.
It is difficult to assess Ho’s role in the Geneva negotiations. He was represented by Pham Van Dong, a faithful associate. The moderation exhibited by the Viet Minh in accepting a partition of the country and in accepting control of less territory than they had conquered during the war follows the pattern established by the man who had signed the 1946 agreements with France. But this flexibility, which was also a response to pressures exerted by the Russians and Chinese, did not achieve everything for the Viet Minh. Hanoi lost out because the elections that were to guarantee the country’s reunification were postponed indefinitely by the United States and by South Vietnam, which was created on a de facto basis at this time.
North Vietnam, where Ho and his associates were established, was a poor country, cut off from the vast agricultural areas of the south. Its leaders were forced to ask for assistance from their larger communist allies, China and the Soviet Union. In these adverse conditions, Ho Chi Minh’s regime became repressive and rigidly totalitarian. Attempted agricultural reforms in 1955-1956 were conducted with ignorant brutality and repression. “Uncle” Ho, as he had become known to the North Vietnamese, was able to preserve his immense popularity, but he abandoned a kind of humane quality that had distinguished some of his previous revolutionary activities despite ruthless purges of Trotskyists and bourgeois nationalists in 1945-1946.
Ho Chi Minh had better luck in the field of diplomacy. He traveled to Moscow and Beijing (1955) and to New Delhi and Jakarta (1958), skillfully maintaining a balance between his powerful communist allies and even, at the time of his journey to Moscow in 1960, acting as a mediator between them. Linked by old habit, and perhaps by preference, to the Soviet Union but aware of the seminal role China had played in the revolution in Asia, preoccupied with using his relations with Moscow to lessen China’s influence in Asia, and, above all, careful to assert Vietnamese rights, Ho Chi Minh skillfully maintained a balance between the two communist giants. When the war was resumed, he obtained an equal amount of aid from both.
Beginning about 1959, North Vietnam again became involved in the war. Guerrillas, popularly known as the Vietcong, were conducting an armed revolt against the United States-sponsored regime of Ngo Dinh Diem in South Vietnam. Their leaders, veterans of the Viet Minh, appealed to North Vietnam for aid. In July 1959, at a meeting of the central committee of Ho Chi Minh’s Lao Dong (Worker’s Party), it was decided that the establishment of socialism in the North was linked with the unification with the South. This policy was confirmed by the third congress of the Lao Dong, held shortly thereafter in Hanoi. During the congress, Ho Chi Minh ceded his position as the party’s secretary-general to Le Duan. He remained chief of state, but, from this point on, his activity was largely behind the scenes. Ho certainly continued to have enormous influence in the government, which was dominated by his old followers Pham Van Dong, Truong Chinh, Vo Nguyen Giap, and Le Duan, but he was less actively involved, becoming more and more a symbol to the people. His public personality, which had never been the object of a cult comparable to that of Joseph Stalin, Mao, or even Josip Broz Tito, is best symbolized by his popular name, Uncle Ho. He stood for the essential unity of the divided Vietnamese family.
This role, which he played with skill, did not prevent him from taking a position in the conflict ravaging his country, especially after American airstrikes against the North began in 1965. On July 17, 1966, he sent a message to the people (“nothing is as dear to the heart of the Vietnamese as independence and liberation”) that became the motto of the North Vietnamese cause. On February 15, 1967, in response to a personal message from United States President Lyndon Johnson, he announced: “We will never agree to negotiate under the threat of bombing.” Ho Chi Minh lived to see only the beginning of a long round of negotiations before he died. The removal of this powerful leader undoubtedly damaged chances for an early settlement.
Views
Ho Chi Minh was immersed in Confucian beliefs, which emphasize loyalty, respect and “collective independence” - a focus on the independence of society overall rather than the independence of the individual members of that society. He believed he could win independence if the Vietnamese people felt that the fight was for freedom, justice, and equality - achieved through the vehicle of communism.
Ho Chi Minh thought the teachings of Confucianism could also assist him. Confucianism teaches that everyone can attain a “superior person quality,” and Ho felt that each soldier and citizen could attain that quality.
The traits of this superior person include enlightenment, philanthropy, friendship, returning good for evil, consistency, respect for the majority’s wishes, a desire for learning, and awareness of wealth without virtue and virtue without wealth. Ho Chi Minh also believed that if the Vietnamese thought he had attained the qualities of a superior person, they would eagerly join his revolutionary forces.
Quotations:
"A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eighty years, a people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the Fascists during these last years, such a people must be free and independent."
"Democracy means to rely on the masses, correctly follow the mass line. Hence to be successful, the movement against embezzlement, waste, and bureaucracy must rely on the masses."
"Only in a socialist system are the interests of the individual, the state and the collective at one. That is why only a socialist constitution can encourage the citizens to fulfill enthusiastically their duties to the society and the fatherland."
"The capitalists often boast that their constitutions guarantee the rights of the individual, democratic liberties and the interests of all citizens. But in reality, only the bourgeoisie enjoy the rights recorded in these constitutions. The working people do not really enjoy democratic freedoms; they are exploited all their life and have to bear heavy burdens in the service of the exploiting class."
"Revolutionary morality does not fall from the sky. It is developed and consolidated through persevering daily struggle and effort. Like jade, the more it is polished the more it shines. Like gold, it grows ever purer as it foes into the melting pot."
"Nothing is more precious than Independence and Liberty."
"Remember that the storm is a good opportunity for the pine and the cypress to show their strength and their stability."