Background
Mueller, John Ernest was born on June 21, 1937 in St. Paul. Son of Ernst A. and Elsie E. (Schleh) Mueller.
( As we enter a new century, world affairs have been tran...)
As we enter a new century, world affairs have been transformed. The leading countries confront no compelling or immediate major threats of a military sort; they all see the world in essentially the same way; there has been an enormous expansion of international trade and economic interconnections; and rapid technological expansion has facilitated international interconnections that substantially skirt standard political arrangements. This makes possible a reallocation of national effort from security to material concerns and a reasonable prospect for an unparalleled era of prosperity and peace.But less benign forces also persist. Ethnic conflict continues to plague the world, and a new challenge to the international order could be launched by an emergent or resurgent state. Moreover, the positive prospects of the global economy are not yet available for all nations. In result, politics - political choice - remains important.In this book, a group of political scientists, economists, and historians assess these important developments. They agree that important historical changes are occurring in international politics, but they differ in their perspectives and proffer different speculations about the new era and about the consequences of the emerging relationship between politics and economics. They also vary in the degree to which they are optimistic or pessimistic about the way things appear to be going.
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(Why have there been no terrorist attacks in the United St...)
Why have there been no terrorist attacks in the United States since 9/11? It is ridiculously easy for a single person with a bomb-filled backpack, or a single explosives-laden automobile, to launch an attack. So why hasn't it happened? The answer is surely not the Department of Homeland Security, which cannot stop terrorists from entering the country, legally or otherwise. It is surely not the Iraq war, which has stoked the hatred of Muslim extremists around the world and wasted many thousands of lives. Terrorist attacks have been regular events for many years -- usually killing handfuls of people, occasionally more than that. Is it possible that there is a simple explanation for the peaceful American homefront? Is it possible that there are no al-Qaeda terrorists here? Is it possible that the war on terror has been a radical overreaction to a rare event? Consider: 80,000 Arab and Muslim immigrants have been subjected to fingerprinting and registration, and more than 5,000 foreign nationals have been imprisoned -- yet there has not been a single conviction for a terrorist crime in America. A handful of plots -- some deadly, some intercepted -- have plagued Europe and elsewhere, and even so, the death toll has been modest. We have gone to war in two countries and killed tens of thousands of people. We have launched a massive domestic wiretapping program and created vast databases of information once considered private. Politicians and pundits have berated us about national security and patriotic duty, while encroaching our freedoms and sending thousands of young men off to die. It is time to consider the hypothesis that dare not speak its name: we have wildly overreacted. Terrorism has been used by murderous groups for many decades, yet even including 9/11, the odds of an American being killed by international terrorism are microscopic. In general, international terrorism doesn't do much damage when considered in almost any reasonable context. The capacity of al-Qaeda or of any similar group to do damage in the United States pales in comparison to the capacity other dedicated enemies, particularly international Communism, have possessed in the past. Lashing out at the terrorist threat is frequently an exercise in self-flagellation because it is usually more expensive than the terrorist attack itself and because it gives the terrorists exactly what they are looking for. Much, probably most, of the money and effort expended on counterterrorism since 2001 (and before, for that matter) has been wasted. The terrorism industry and its allies in the White House and Congress have preyed on our fears and caused enormous damage. It is time to rethink the entire enterprise and spend much smaller amounts on only those things that do matter: intelligence, law enforcement, and disruption of radical groups overseas. Above all, it is time to stop playing into the terrorists' hands, by fear-mongering and helping spread terror itself.
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(Following 9/11, Americans were swept up in a near hysteri...)
Following 9/11, Americans were swept up in a near hysteria-level fear of terrorists, especially of Islamic extremists working domestically. The government and media reports stoked fears that people living in the US have the desire and means to wreak extreme havoc and destruction. Early reports estimated slightly more than 300 al Qaeda operatives living in the United States. It wasn't long before this number became 2,000 or 5,000 domestic terrorists. As these estimates snowballed, so did spending on federal counterterrorism organizations and measures, spending which now totals over a trillion dollars. The federal government launched more covert operations in the name of fighting terrorist adversaries than they did in the entirety of the forty-five year Cold War. For each apprehension of a credible terrorist suspect, the US government created or re-organized two counterterrorism organizations. The scale of these efforts has been enormous, yet somehow they have not been proven to make Americans feels safe from what they perceive to be a massive terrorist threat. But how well-founded is this fear? Is the threat of terrorism in the United States as vast as it seems and are counterterrorism efforts effective and appropriately-scaled? It has not, statistically speaking, been efficient or successful. Only one alarm in 10,000 has proven to be a legitimate threat-the rest are what the authors refer to as "ghosts." These ghosts are enormous drains on resources and contribute to a countrywide paranoia that has resulted in widespread support and minimal critical questioning of massive expenditures and infringements on civil liberties, including invasions of privacy and questionably legal imprisonments. In Chasing Ghosts, John Mueller and Mark Stewart argue that the "ghost chase" occupying American fears, law enforcement, and federal spending persists because the public believes that there exists in the US a dire and significant threat of terrorism. The authors seek to analyze to what degree this is a true and to what degree the threat posed by terrorists in the US defends the extraordinary costs currently put towards their investigation. The chance that an American will be killed by a terrorist domestically in any given year is about one in four million (under present conditions). Yet despite this statistically low risk and the extraordinary amount of resources put towards combatting threats, Americans do not profess to feel any safer from terrorists. Until the true threat of domestic terrorism is analyzed and understood, the country cannot begin to confront whether our pursuit of ghosts is worth the cost.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0199837090/?tag=2022091-20
( Polls are at their best as indicators of public opinion...)
Polls are at their best as indicators of public opinion when they allow comparisons over extended periods of time. Yet all too often changes in question working and in questionnare content make over-time comparisons impossible. This work overcomes this difficulty by bringing together for the first time a compendium of results using identically worded questions on a wide range of social, political, and economic topics of importance to the American people. Chapter introductions summarize trends in the various areas surveyed and discuss problems of interpretation. The chapters on political behavior and attitudes present findings on party identification, political tolerance, voting, civil liberties, international affairs, and related issues. Chapters on work, the family, and sexuality cover such topics as job prestige and satisfaction, the role of women, divorce, family size, sex education, abortion, premarital and extramarital sex, homosexuality, and pornography. Other issues addressed include crime and violence, race, death and dying, life style, and general attitudes toward life. Trend analysis based on General Social Surveys conducted regularly by The National Opinion Research Center of the University of Chicago since 1972 is supplemented by data from 25 other sources extending as far back as the 1930s. The questions chosen are meaningful and standardized and have been asked in interviews over a significant period. Survey results are displayed in a highly readable format that facilitates comparisons over time. An appropriate choice for the library reference collection, this book is a valuable research tool and source for scholars in political science, psychology, and sociology, as well as journalists, policy makers, and other professionals concerned with public opinion.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0313254265/?tag=2022091-20
(Reflecting on the transformation of world politics that o...)
Reflecting on the transformation of world politics that occurred with the end of the Cold War, this book assesses how this change happened, how it changes our views of the past and what it suggests about the future. it also asserts that the world's problems - using examples like the Cold War, the theory of Containment and democracy - are often mere reflections of differences of ideas. Like ideas, tense political situations can change rather quickly without big means and particularly without war. This book also finds that military considerations are often substantially less relevant than economic concerns to the central issues of international politics.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0673993272/?tag=2022091-20
( "War . . . is merely an idea, an institution, like duel...)
"War . . . is merely an idea, an institution, like dueling or slavery, that has been grafted onto human existence. It is not a trick of fate, a thunderbolt from hell, a natural calamity, or a desperate plot contrivance dreamed up by some sadistic puppeteer on high. And it seems to me that the institution is in pronounced decline, abandoned as attitudes toward it have changed, roughly following the pattern by which the ancient and formidable institution of slavery became discredited and then mostly obsolete."―from the Introduction War is one of the great themes of human history and now, John Mueller believes, it is clearly declining. Developed nations have generally abandoned it as a way for conducting their relations with other countries, and most current warfare (though not all) is opportunistic predation waged by packs―often remarkably small ones―of criminals and bullies. Thus, argues Mueller, war has been substantially reduced to its remnants―or dregs―and thugs are the residual combatants. Mueller is sensitive to the policy implications of this view. When developed states commit disciplined troops to peacekeeping, the result is usually a rapid cessation of murderous disorder. The Remnants of War thus reinvigorates our sense of the moral responsibility bound up in peacekeeping. In Mueller's view, capable domestic policing and military forces can also be effective in reestablishing civic order, and the building of competent governments is key to eliminating most of what remains of warfare.
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( The Persian Gulf crisis may well have been the most ext...)
The Persian Gulf crisis may well have been the most extensively polled episode in U.S. history as President Bush, his opponents, and even Saddam Hussein appealed to, and tried to influence, public opinion. As well documented as this phenomenon was, it remains largely unexplained. John Mueller provides an account of the complex relationship between American policy and public opinion during the Gulf crisis. Mueller analyzes key issues: the actual shallowness of public support for war; the effect of public opinion on the media (rather than the other way around); the use and misuse of polls by policy makers; the American popular focus on Hussein's ouster as a central purpose of the War; and the War's short-lived impact on voting. Of particular interest is Mueller's conclusion that Bush succeeded in leading the country to war by increasingly convincing the public that it was inevitable, rather than right or wise. Throughout, Mueller, author of War, Presidents, and Public Opinion, an analysis of public opinion during the Korean and Vietnam wars, places this analysis of the Gulf crisis in a broad political and military context, making comparisons to wars in Panama, Vietnam, Korea, and the Falklands, as well as to World War II and even the War of 1812. The book also collects nearly 300 tables charting public opinion through the Gulf crisis, making Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War an essential reference for anyone interested in recent American politics, foreign policy, public opinion, and survey research.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0226545652/?tag=2022091-20
(Originally published in 1985 by Alfred A. Knopf, this boo...)
Originally published in 1985 by Alfred A. Knopf, this book furnishes a detailed assessment of each of Astaire's 31 musical films and analysis of each musical number. Its 2344 frame pictures have been recaptured in far higher quality than in the original, and those from color films are presented in color. There is also an extensive new preface by the author and a new Foreword by Chris Bamberger. Almost dances off the page-Los Angeles Times One of the most satifying, rich and witty film books ever written. A book whose sheer (but thoughtful) delight can never fade-Kirkus Reviews Mueller's book trains the eye to see how Astaire puts it all together. It is likely to spark curiosity in anyone who has ever enjoyed watching Astaire dance, for it can only enhance that pleasure-St. Petersburg Times
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(Originally published in 1973 by John Wiley & Sons, this v...)
Originally published in 1973 by John Wiley & Sons, this volume presents a rigorous analysis of public opinion on the wars in Korea and Vietnam, and on the Presidents who led us during those conflicts. Shows how polling results are often misused, and develops many unconventional conclusions.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0819146498/?tag=2022091-20
(Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (American Politics & P...)
Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (American Politics & Political Economy (Paperback)) Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (American Politics & Political Economy (Paperback)) by Mueller, John ( Author ) Paperback Jun- 1994 Paperback Jun- 15- 1994
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(**High-quality paperback reproduction of the original wit...)
**High-quality paperback reproduction of the original with supervision of the author** Did you miss World War III? Perhaps that is because it was astoundingly quiet. Quiet Cataclysm examines how, in the last few years, the world has undergone the functional equivalent of World War III: A major empire has dismembered, important political boundaries in Europe were reorganized, and several nations were politically transformed. Yet, unlike its predecessors, this world war ended with scarcely a shot fired. In this book, John Mueller analyzes how this remarkably peaceful change came about, how it affects our view of the past, and what it suggests about the future. In these pages, students will first realize how the world's problems are frequently just the reflection of opposing ideas, and, as such, can be resolved without military conflict. Second, they will understand that military considerations are often irrelevant to central issues in international politics--that they are an indication of tension, not the cause. Lastly, students will see how big problems--because they are simply about ideas--can change as quickly as the latest trends.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/193484912X/?tag=2022091-20
dance critic political science professor
Mueller, John Ernest was born on June 21, 1937 in St. Paul. Son of Ernst A. and Elsie E. (Schleh) Mueller.
Bachelor of Arts, University of Chicago, 1960; Master of Arts, University of California at Los Angeles, 1963; Doctor of Philosophy, University of California at Los Angeles, 1965.
Assistant professor political science University Rochester, New York, 1965-1969, associate professor, 1969-1972, professor, 1972-2000, professor film studies, 1983-2000, founder, director Dance Film Archive, since 1973. Professor political science, Woody Hayes chair national security studies Ohio State University, since 2000. Lecturer on dance in the United States, Europe, Australia, since 1973.
OP-Education columnist Wall St. Journal, since 1984, Los Angeles Times, since 1988, New York Times, since 1990. Member dance panel National Education Association, 1983-1985. Columnist Dance Magazine, 1974-1982.
Dance critic Rochester Democratic and Chronicle, 1974-1982. Member advisory board Dance in American, Public Broadcasting Service, 1975. Member editorial board Ohio State University Press, 2000-2004.
(Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (American Politics & P...)
(Reflecting on the transformation of world politics that o...)
(Why have there been no terrorist attacks in the United St...)
(Originally published in 1973 by John Wiley & Sons, this v...)
(Originally published in 1973 by John Wiley & Sons, this v...)
(Despite large stockpiles of deadly arms and some signific...)
(**High-quality paperback reproduction of the original wit...)
(Following 9/11, Americans were swept up in a near hysteri...)
( Polls are at their best as indicators of public opinion...)
( The Persian Gulf crisis may well have been the most ext...)
( As we enter a new century, world affairs have been tran...)
(Originally published in 1985 by Alfred A. Knopf, this boo...)
(Book by Mueller, John E)
(has shelfwear discount)
( "War . . . is merely an idea, an institution, like duel...)
(1st)
Member American Academy Arts and Sciences, American Political Science Association, Dance Critics Association (board directors 1983-1985), American Association for Public Policy and Management (editorial board 1985-1989).
Married Judy A. Reader, September 6, 1960. Children— Karl, Karen, Susan.