Background
Dulles, John Watson Foster was born on May 20, 1913 in Auburn, New York, United States. Son of John Foster and Janet Pomeroy (Avery) Dulles.
(Edges foxed else a very good copy, owner's name on front ...)
Edges foxed else a very good copy, owner's name on front paste-down, in a very good dust jacket. First edition. Cloth with gilt titles. 8vo. xvi, 805 pp. Illus. with 67 b/w photos and 5 maps. "...the best account available of the period of dominance of the sonoran dynasty," Griffin p. 398.
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(Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises 1955-1964 Unr...)
Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises 1955-1964 Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises 1955-1964 by Dulles, John W F ( Author ) Paperback Apr- 2012 Paperback Apr- 01- 2012
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(Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900-1935 Anarchists...)
Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900-1935 Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900-1935 by Dulles, John W F ( Author ) Paperback Feb- 2012 Paperback Feb- 01- 2012
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(Brazilian Communism, 1935-1945: Repression During World U...)
Brazilian Communism, 1935-1945: Repression During World Upheaval Brazilian Communism, 1935-1945: Repression During World Upheaval by Dulles, John W F ( Author ) Paperback Mar- 2011 Paperback Mar- 15- 2011
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(Praised by his admirers as 'one of those rare heroic figu...)
Praised by his admirers as 'one of those rare heroic figures out of Plutarch' and as 'an intrepid Don Quixote', Brazilian lawyer Heraclito Fontoura Sobral Pinto (1893-1991) was the most consistently forceful opponent of dictator Getulio Vargas. Through legal cases, activism in Catholic and lawyers' associations, newspaper polemics, and a voluminous correspondence, Sobral Pinto fought for democracy, morality, and justice, particularly for the downtrodden. This book is the first of a projected two-volume biography of Sobral Pinto. Drawing on Sobral's vast correspondence, which was not previously available to researchers, John W. F. Dulles confirms that Sobral Pinto was a true reformer, who had no equal in demonstrating courage and vehemence when facing judges, tribunals, and men in power.He traces the leading role that Sobral played in opposing the Vargas regime from 1930 to 1945 and sheds light on the personalities and activities of Sobral's opponents in the National Security Tribunal, the police, the censorship bureau, and the Catholic Church. In addition to the many details that this volume adds to Brazilian history, it illuminates the character of a man who sacrificed professional advancement and emolument in the interest of fighting for justice and charity. Thus, it will be important reading not only for students of Brazilian history, but also for a wider audience dedicated to the crusade for human rights and political freedom and the reformers who carry on that struggle.
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( The dominant public figure in Brazil from 1930 until 19...)
The dominant public figure in Brazil from 1930 until 1954 was a highly contradictory and controversial personality. Getúlio Vargas, from the pampas of the southern frontier state of Rio Grande do Sul, became the dictator who ruled without ever forgetting the lower classes. Vargas was a consummate artist at politics. He climbed the political ladder through seats in the state and national legislatures to the post of federal Finance Minister and to the governorship of Rio Grande do Sul. His career then took him to the National Palace as Provisional President and as Constitutional President, and later as the dictator of his "New State." After his deposition in 1945 and a period of semiretirement, his continuing widespread popularity resulted in his successful come-back campaign in 1950 for the Presidency on the Labor Party ticket. Vargas' contributions to Brazilian political and economic life were many and important. Taking advantage of the power which his political magic provided him, he brought Brazil from a loose confederacy of semifeudal states to a strongly centralized nation. He was a great eclectic, welding into his social, political, and economic policies what he found good in various programs. He was also a great opportunist in the sense that he adroitly took advantage of conditions and circumstances to effect his ends. He was intimately related to the revolutionary changes in Brazilian life after 1930. Vargas, "Father of the Brazilians," attributed achievements such as these to power in his own hands. His foes, however, still feared the political wizard, and they cheered the military when it deposed him. After his return, "on the arms of the people," Vargas saw that the armed forces were determined to repeat history, and in 1954 he chose another path—suicide. All of these exciting events are related in John W. F. Dulles's Vargas of Brazil: A Political Biography. Despite its emphasis on Vargas the politician and statesman, the reader comes to know Vargas the man. For this portrait of Vargas and of Brazil the author has drawn much material from State Department papers in the National Archives and from other public sources, and from interviews with numerous persons who were participants in the events he describes or observers of them. The result is an interesting, revealing, valid account of an important people. Many illustrations supplement the text.
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( In providing a detailed account of the leftist oppositi...)
In providing a detailed account of the leftist opposition and its bloody repression in Brazil during the Old Republic and the early years of the Vargas regime, John W. F. Dulles gives considerable attention to the labor movement, generally neglected by historians. This study focuses on the formation and activities of anarchists and Communists, the two most important radical groups working within Brazilian labor. Relying on a wide variety of sources, including interviews and personal papers, Dulles supplies information that for the most part is unavailable in English and not easily accessible in Portuguese. The struggles of Brazilian workers—usually against an alliance of company owners, state and federal troops, and state and federal governments—suffered reverses in 1920 and 1921. These setbacks were cited by Astrogildo Pereira and other admirers of Bolshevism as reasons for the proletariat to forsake anarchism and adhere to the Communist Party, Brazilian Section of the Communist International. Anarchists and Communists, struggling against each other in the labor unions in the mid 1920’s, joined opposition journalists and politicians in supporting military rebels in a romantic uprising marked by adventure and suffering, jailbreaks and long marches, and death in the backlands. Slowly, Brazilian Communism gained strength during the latter part of the 1920’s, but 1930 brought the beginnings of failure. Worse for the Party than the government crackdown and the Trotskyite dissidence was the growing attraction of the Aliança Liberal, the oppositionist political movement that brought Getúlio Vargas to power. While workers and Party members flocked to the Aliança in defiance of Party orders, sectarian edicts from Moscow resulted in the expulsion or demotion of the Party’s former leaders and in the condemnation of intellectuals. Luís Carlos Prestes, “the Cavalier of Hope” who had led the military rebels in the mid-1920’s, turned to Communism—only to find himself not welcome in the Party. Taken to Russia by the Communist International in 1931, he was finally accepted into the Brazilian Party in absentia in 1934. Later that year, misled in Moscow by optimistic reports brought by Brazilian Communists, he agreed to lead a rebellion in Brazil. That decision and its consequences in 1935 were disastrous to Brazilian Communism. The struggles among anarchists, Stalinists, and Trotskyites in Brazil were reflections of a worldwide struggle. This study discloses and assesses the effects of Moscow policy changes on Communism in Brazil and contributes to an understanding of Moscow’s policies throughout Latin America during this period.
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( … I offer my life in a holocaust … This people whose s...)
… I offer my life in a holocaust … This people whose slave I was will no longer be slave to anyone. My sacrifice will remain forever in their souls and my blood will be the price of their ransom. President Getulio Vargas' testament—written shortly before his suicide on August 24, 1954—was prophetic, for the Vargas legacy was to cast a shadow on political-military events of the next decade. With news of Vargas' suicide, opponents of the late President, who were usually out of power, tried to organize. The military itself was split, but those favoring Kubitschek, apparent winner of the 1955 presidential election on a ticket of Vargas-created parties, gained control. To assure Kubitschek's inauguration Army leaders deposed two acting Presidents in 1955. During Kubitschek's presidency (1956–1961 ) there were manifestations of discontent by military and political groups who ascribed numerous evils to Vargas and his followers. In 1961, when Kubitschek's successor, Jânio Quadros, resigned after six months in office, the unrest intensified. Vice President Jango Goulart assumed the presidency and sought unsuccessfully to conciliate contending forces; his battle for reform seemed to make him an ally of "far leftists." Feeling that discipline was being undermined by men close to the President and that only military action could save Brazil from following the path favored by influential Communist labor leaders, a majority of the Army officers agreed to overthrow Goulart's administration in 1964. Unrest in Brazil describes in exciting detail the government crises and resulting military interventions that punctuated the power struggle between supporters and opponents of Vargas in the decade following his death.
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( The Brazilian Communist Party was one of the largest Co...)
The Brazilian Communist Party was one of the largest Communist parties in Latin America until its split and dissolution in the 1990s. Although not granted legal status as a political party of Brazil until 1985, the Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) has been tolerated by that country's regime. Such governmental tolerance of the PCB was not always the case. In the past, the regime of Getúlio Vargas practiced savage forms of repression against Brazilian leftists, whose "Red extremism" was cited by both government leaders and the press as sufficient cause for Vargas' adoption of the most extreme measures. Brazilian Communism, 1935-1945 is an objective and remarkably comprehensive account of the Brazilian Communist Party's struggle to survive those days of repression. From his prison cell, PCB leader Luís Carlos Prestes guided the Party's quarreling factions. All who were associated with the Left shared a common enemy: the police, who used the most brutal forms of torture to extract information about leftist activities. Young Elza Fernandes, companion of the PCB's secretary general, was one whom the police interrogated. Suspecting that she had betrayed them, the Party itself arranged her murder. Dulles' vivid account of this violent chapter in Latin American history is based on exclusive interviews with leading activists of the period and exhaustive research in the archives of both the PCB and the Brazilian police. The results make fascinating reading for Latin Americanists, historians of World War II, and students of international Communism alike.
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Dulles, John Watson Foster was born on May 20, 1913 in Auburn, New York, United States. Son of John Foster and Janet Pomeroy (Avery) Dulles.
AB, Princeton University, 1935. Master of Business Administration, Harvard University, 1937. Bachelor of Science in Metallurgical Engineering, University Arizona, 1943.
Metallurgical Engineer, University Arizona, 1951.
Clerk, The Bank of New York, New York City, 1937-1938; miner, Callahan Zinc-Lead Company, Patagonia, Arizona, 1938-1941; head ore department, smelter operator, Cia Minera de Peñoles, S.A., Monterrey, Mexico, 1943-1949; head commercial division, Cia Minera de Pañoles, S.A., Monterrey, Mexico, 1949-1951; assistant general manager, Cia Minera de Pañoles, S.A., Monterrey, Mexico, 1951-1959; executive vice president, Cia Minera de Pañoles, S.A., Monterrey, Mexico, 1959; vice president, Cia de Mineracão Novalimense, Belo Horizonte, Brazil, 1959-1962; professor of history, U. Arizona, Tucson, 1966-1991; university professor L.Am. studies, University Texas, Austin, since 1962. Advisor to the United States delegation to Organization of American States Conference, Vina Del Mar, Chile, 1967. Consultant unites states department State, Bureau Intelligence and Research, 1968-1972.
(Praised by his admirers as 'one of those rare heroic figu...)
( Praised by his admirers as "one of those rare heroic fi...)
(Brazilian Communism, 1935-1945: Repression During World U...)
(Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises 1955-1964 Unr...)
(Anarchists and Communists in Brazil, 1900-1935 Anarchists...)
( In providing a detailed account of the leftist oppositi...)
( The Brazilian Communist Party was one of the largest Co...)
( The dominant public figure in Brazil from 1930 until 19...)
( … I offer my life in a holocaust … This people whose s...)
( … I offer my life in a holocaust … This people whose sl...)
(Edges foxed else a very good copy, owner's name on front ...)
(the tailors and bread carriers decided to join)
(Book by Dulles, John W. F.)
(Book by Dulles, John W. F.)
President executive board Union Church Monterrey, Mexico, 1948—1949, elder, 1957—1959. Fellow California Institute International Studies. Member The American Society of the Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (knight), American History Association, Texas Institute of Letters, Theta Tau (Alumni Hall of Fame), Institute History and Geography Brasil.
Married Eleanor Foster Ritter, June 15, 1940. Children: Edith, John, Ellen, Avery.