Background
BRONFENBRENNER, Martin was born in 1914 in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, United States of America.
( This is a well-grounded restatement, defense, and devel...)
This is a well-grounded restatement, defense, and development of the theory of income distribution in both its micro- and macroeconomic aspects. The author, an authority in the field who has spent many years developing the ideas in this book, balances neoclassical theories with Keynesian and "radical" approaches. He considers income distribution theory in terms of ideology, statistics, micro- and macroeconomics, income policies, and the poverty problem. The result is a distinctive and comprehensive treatment of a subject that has polarized many economists over many decades. Bronfenbrenner reacts against conventional theories that concentrate on output markets, virtually ignoring input prices. He also opposes the brand of institutionalism that regards "democratic business unionism" as an American institution that can do no wrong. Overall, Bronfenbrenner presents an eclectic defense of a "traditional" theory of economics that has been under attack from rival viewpoints with insufficient rebuttal, and that proves to be a powerful tool of analysis in dealing with this subject. The book is organized into three main parts: an ideological and statistical personal introduction to income distribution, microeconomic distribution theory, and macroeconomic distribution theory. A final chapter considers incomes policies, with a rather skeptical view of the prospects for political control of income distribution within a basically free economy. The manuscript has been widely used and class tested over the past thirty-five years. The book will be useful to professional economists. It may be used as a basic text in courses on income distribution and as a supplementary text in microeconomic theory.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0202060373/?tag=2022091-20
(This is a well-grounded restatement, defense, and develop...)
This is a well-grounded restatement, defense, and development of the theory of income distribution in both its micro- and macroeconomic aspects. The author, an authority in the field who has spent many years developing the ideas in this book, balances neoclassical theories with Keynesian and "radical" approaches. He considers income distribution theory in terms of ideology, statistics, micro- and macroeconomics, income policies, and the poverty problem. The result is a distinctive and comprehensive treatment of a subject that has polarized many economists over many decades. Bronfenbrenner reacts against conventional theories that concentrate on output markets, virtually ignoring input prices. He also opposes the brand of institutionalism that regards "democratic business unionism" as an American institution that can do no wrong. Overall, Bronfenbrenner presents an eclectic defense of a "traditional" theory of economics that has been under attack from rival viewpoints with insufficient rebuttal, and that proves to be a powerful tool of analysis in dealing with this subject. The book is organized into three main parts: an ideological and statistical personal introduction to income distribution, microeconomic distribution theory, and macroeconomic distribution theory. A final chapter considers incomes policies, with a rather skeptical view of the prospects for political control of income distribution within a basically free economy. The manuscript has been widely used and class tested over the past thirty-five years. The book will be useful to professional economists. It may be used as a basic text in courses on income distribution and as a supplementary text in micro economic theory.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B00B10UOEA/?tag=2022091-20
( If you had a 10 percent chance of having a fatal car ac...)
If you had a 10 percent chance of having a fatal car accident, you'd take necessary precautions. If your finances had a 10 percent chance of suffering a severe loss, you'd reevaluate your assets. So if we know the world is warming and there's a 10 percent chance this might eventually lead to a catastrophe beyond anything we could imagine, why aren't we doing more about climate change right now? We insure our lives against an uncertain future--why not our planet? In Climate Shock, Gernot Wagner and Martin Weitzman explore in lively, clear terms the likely repercussions of a hotter planet, drawing on and expanding from work previously unavailable to general audiences. They show that the longer we wait to act, the more likely an extreme event will happen. A city might go underwater. A rogue nation might shoot particles into the Earth's atmosphere, geoengineering cooler temperatures. Zeroing in on the unknown extreme risks that may yet dwarf all else, the authors look at how economic forces that make sensible climate policies difficult to enact, make radical would-be fixes like geoengineering all the more probable. What we know about climate change is alarming enough. What we don't know about the extreme risks could be far more dangerous. Wagner and Weitzman help readers understand that we need to think about climate change in the same way that we think about insurance--as a risk management problem, only here on a global scale. Demonstrating that climate change can and should be dealt with--and what could happen if we don't do so--Climate Shock tackles the defining environmental and public policy issue of our time.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0691159475/?tag=2022091-20
BRONFENBRENNER, Martin was born in 1914 in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, United States of America.
Bachelor of Arts Washington University, St Louis, 1934. Doctor of Philosophy University Chicago, 1939. Certificate (Japanese Language) University Colorado, 1944.
Instructor, Assistant Professor Economics and Statistics, Central YMCA College, Chicago, 1938-1940. Assistant Economics Analyst, Association Economics Analyst, United States Treasury, Washington, 1940-1941. State Federal Reserve Bank, Chicago, 1941-1943.
Japanese Language Student Officer, United States Navy, 1943-1946. Finance Economics, Federal Reserve Bank, Chicago, 1946-1947. Association Professor, Professor of Economics, University Wisconsin, 1947-1957.
Tax Economics, Tokyo,
1949-1950. Consultant Economics, United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, Bangkok, 1953. Professor of Economics, Michigan State University, 1957-1958, University Minnesota, 1958-1962, Carnegie-Mellon University,
1962-1971.
Professor Japanese History, Duke University, 1971-1984. Visiting Fellow, Center Advanced Study Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, Salzburg Seminar American Studies, Institute, Institution Development Studies, University Sussex, Center East Asian Studies, Kyoto Nankai University, Tianjin, China. Professor International Economics, School International Politics, Economics and
Business, Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo, Japan, since 1984.
Editorial Board, American Economic Review, Journal of Economic Literature, History of Political Economy, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Southern Economic Journal.
Principal Field of Interests 020
General Economic Theory. 120 Country Studies (Japan). 053 Comparative Economic Systems.
( This is a well-grounded restatement, defense, and devel...)
(This is a well-grounded restatement, defense, and develop...)
( If you had a 10 percent chance of having a fatal car ac...)
(Book by Bronfenbrenner, Martin)
My principal apology for the shallowness of my footprints on the sands of time, professionally speaking, is that I never intended to become a professional economist. Rather I am a perpetual student flitting between fields, sufficiently pessimistic about the real world to accept Academia as the best available refuge therefrom, but regretting my failure to get started in economic journalism. I maintain that there is no such thing as a pure economist.
Economics is adulterated on one side by the keeping up of facts, statutes and court decisions, and on the other side by applied mathematicians and computerologists ‘all dressed up with no place to go’. I spent the first half of my forty academic years as a ‘what does it all mean?’ theorist among the fact-mongers and the second half as a historian among computer-jockeys simulating ‘obfuscation functions’.
My work in comparative economic systems and on doctrinal history can be summarised in the proposition that, both before and after choosing among the various policy and methodology religions available for True Believers, from Marxism to astrology, one should learn something about the others, sympathetically interpreted. My work in distribution theory may be summed up in the proposition that the distribution of income and wealth is an important factor in judging an economic system on welfare grounds, but that such emotive terms as ‘maldistribution’, ‘exploitation’, and ‘poverty’ are all subjective and mean whatever one wants them to mean, neither more nor less.
My work in economic development, and to some
extent in international economics generally, fits into a pattern also. The developing countries of the ‘North’ have hampered the development of the semi-developed countries of the ‘South’ primarily by denying poor countries access to rich-country markets. I don’t think either Meiji or postwar Japan could have ‘made it’ under contemporary protectionism.
The way to remedy this is to dismantle the barriers, at whatever cost to our rich-country labour and farm aristocracies.
Japanese history, classical music.
Married Teruko Okuaki in 1951.