Background
Vito Anthony Marcantonio was born on December 10, 1902 in New York City, and was the son of Samuel Marcantonio, a carpenter, and Angelina de Dobitis Marcantonio.
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The Making of Modern Law: U.S. Supreme Court Records and Briefs, 1832-1978 contains the world's most comprehensive collection of records and briefs brought before the nation's highest court by leading legal practitioners - many who later became judges and associates of the court. It includes transcripts, applications for review, motions, petitions, supplements and other official papers of the most-studied and talked-about cases, including many that resulted in landmark decisions. This collection serves the needs of students and researchers in American legal history, politics, society and government, as well as practicing attorneys. This book contains copies of all known US Supreme Court filings related to this case including any transcripts of record, briefs, petitions, motions, jurisdictional statements, and memorandum filed. This book does not contain the Court's opinion. The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping ensure edition identification: Longo v. State of New Jersey Petition / VITO MARCANTONIO / 1940 / 147 / 311 U.S. 661 / 61 S.Ct. 18 / 85 L.Ed. 424 / 6-12-1940 Longo v. State of New Jersey Brief in Opposition (P) / ATWOOD C WOLF / 1940 / 147 / 311 U.S. 661 / 61 S.Ct. 18 / 85 L.Ed. 424 / 7-19-1940
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Vito Anthony Marcantonio was born on December 10, 1902 in New York City, and was the son of Samuel Marcantonio, a carpenter, and Angelina de Dobitis Marcantonio.
Although the family was poor, there was enough money for Marcantonio to complete high school, by no means the norm for children of his background. At De Witt Clinton High School he received the nickname "Marc" and first publicly expressed radical positions. After completing high school in June 1921, he enrolled at the New York University Law School, from which he graduated in June 1925.
He became politically active in his native community of East Harlem, participating in a rent strike in 1919-1920 and teaching English to Italian immigrants in a neighborhood settlement house. In his senior year of high school Marcantonio came to the attention of Fiorello H. La Guardia, then president of the city's Board of Aldermen, and within a few years he was La Guardia's protégé. Marcantonio's debut in city politics came in 1924, when he managed La Guardia's successful campaign for reelection to Congress from East Harlem. His reward was an appointment as law clerk in La Guardia's New York office, where his primary responsibility was to serve as his mentor's "eyes and ears" in East Harlem. During the 1920's Marcantonio mastered the intricacies of city politics. In 1930, with La Guardia's help, he was appointed assistant United States attorney for the district of New York. In 1934, when La Guardia was mayor of New York, Marcantonio became the Republican candidate for the congressional seat in East Harlem and narrowly defeated the Democratic incumbent, James J. Lanzetta. In 1936 Lanzetta unseated Marcantonio but in 1938, running on both the Republican and the American Labor party tickets, Marcantonio again defeated Lanzetta. From 1939 to 1951 he remained the congressman from East Harlem by combining hard work with skillful manipulation of local political alliances. In 1938 Marcantonio was read out of the Republican party; but he continued to win Republican nominations in primary elections (in 1942 he succeeded in winning nominations both as a Republican and as a Democrat) until 1948, when the state legislature outlawed multiparty candidacies without the agreement of party leaders. During the war Marcantonio served as an administration "workhorse" in Congress. He put aside some of his old positions in the interest of winning the war once an absolute advocate of the laborer's right to strike, he now supported federally backed "no-strike" provisions in union contracts. He also became a leading spokesman for civil rights legislation, sponsoring anti-poll tax and fair employment practices bills and demanding that lynching be made a federal crime. In 1949 Marcantonio was the American Labor party's candidate for mayor of New York but ran a poor third. In June 1950 he was the only congressman to speak out against Truman's decision ordering troops to the defense of South Korea; no other single act was as damaging to his political career. The press in New York seemed to become obsessed with the idea of "getting" Marcantonio, and under enormous pressure the Democratic, Republican, and Liberal parties nominated the same man, James Donovan, to oppose him. Nevertheless, he lost by only 14, 000 votes, receiving more than 41 percent of the total cast. Out of office for the first time since 1938, Marcantonio returned to the practice of law. In 1951 he successfully defended the black intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois against the government's charge of failure to register as the agent of a foreign power. That same year he acted as one of the attorneys for the Communist party in hearings before the Subversive Activities Control Board. Two years later (in November 1953) he resigned from the almost defunct American Labor party, and early in 1954 he announced his return to politics as an independent candidate for the seat he had lost in 1950. Marcantonio's candidacy never became official. The nominating petitions were on his desk at his law office when he died in New York City. Refused interment in sacred ground by the Catholic church, he was buried in Woodlawn Cemetery in the north Bronx, not far from La Guardia's grave.
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During his seven terms in Congress, Marcantonio was a consistent radical critic of the established political and economic system, denouncing conservatives and liberals, Republicans and Democrats alike. His reaction to President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935 was typical. He supported the bill, but he referred to lobbyists for the utility companies as "political cockroaches" and told the House, "I believe in public ownership of power. " He also opposed the Social Security Act, not because he disagreed with the concept but because the bill provided for the imposition of a payroll tax on workers. He preferred to close all tax loopholes, raise rates on the wealthy, and use the money for a comprehensive social insurance package. In both cases Marcantonio, a practical politician, voted for the administration bills because the New Deal was the best deal he could get. Marcantonio's domestic radicalism spilled over into foreign policy issues before, during, and after World War II. Until 1941 he was both antifascist and noninterventionist. He opposed military appropriations and aid to the Allies; the first on the ground that it reduced aid to the unemployed, and the second because the Allies were, to him, imperialist powers involved in an imperialist war. That view changed in October 1941, four months after Germany's invasion of Russia, when he suddenly announced his readiness to vote for a declaration of war; he maintained that the character of the war had changed, but his opponents insisted he was a Communist puppet. Even before the war ended, Marcantonio insisted that peace depended on collaboration between the United States and the Soviet Union. National policy, however, moved in the opposite direction, and by 1947 the cold war was in full swing. Efforts to contain Communism abroad also dictated the destruction of the American radical left, the broader constituency for which Marcantonio spoke. He raged against the House Committee on Un-American Activities, against President Harry Truman's requirement that all government employees sign a loyalty oath, against the anti-Communist and antilabor provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act, and against "Red baiting" at home and anti-Communist militarism abroad. In 1948 Marcantonio supported the presidential candidacy of Henry A. Wallace, but his energy went into his own election campaign; his victory in November was the only bright spot in an otherwise dismal performance by the American left. A politician obsessed with power would have moderated his views at that point, but as Marcantonio put it, "It is best to live one's life with one's conscience rather than to temporize or [remain] silent. "
On May 20, 1925, he married Miriam A. Sanders, a social worker. They had no children.