Background
Carter, Ashton Baldwin was born on September 24, 1954 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States. Son of William Stanley and Ann Baldwin Carter.
(At the moment, the revision of security policy and the fo...)
At the moment, the revision of security policy and the formation of a new consensus to support it are still at an early stage of development. The idea of comprehensive security cooperation among the major military establishments to form an inclusive international security arrangement has been only barely acknowledged and is only partially developed. The basic principle of cooperation has been proclaimed in general terms in the Paris Charter issued in November of 1990. Important implementing provisions have been embodied in the Strategic Arms Reductions Talks (START), Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE), and Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaties. Except for the regulation of U.S. and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) strategic forces, however, these arrangements apply only to the European theater and even there have not been systematically developed. The formation of a new security order requires that cooperative theaters of military engagement be systematically developed. Clearly that exercise will stretch the minds of all those whose thinking about security has been premised on confrontational methods. Nonetheless, such a stretching is unavoidable. The new security problems are driven by powerful forces, reshaping the entire international context. They impose starkly different requirements. They will deflect even the impressive momentum of U.S. military traditions. The eventual outcome is uncertain. It turns upon political debates yet to be held, consensus judgements yet to form, and events and their implications yet to unfold. Fundamental reconceptualization of security policy is a necessary step in the right direction, and it is important to get on with it. Gettingon with it means defining the new concept of cooperative security, identifying the trends that motivate it, outlining its implications for practical policy action, and acknowledging its constraints. These tasks are the purpose of this essay.
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( Defense against nuclear attack—so natural and seemingly...)
Defense against nuclear attack—so natural and seemingly so compelling a goal—has provoked debate for at least twenty years. Ballistic missle defense systems, formerly called antiballistic missile systems, offer the prospect of remedying both superpowers' alarming vulnerability to nuclear weapons by technological rather than political means. But whether ballistic missile defenses can be made to work and whether it is wise to build them remain controversial. The U.S.-Soviet Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty of 1972 restricts testing and deployment of ballistic missile defenses but has not prohibited more than a decade of research and development on both sides. As exotic new proposals are put forward for space-based directed-energy systems, questions about the effectiveness and wisdom of missile defense have again become central to the national debate on defense policy. This study, jointly sponsored by the Brookings Institution and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, examines the strategic, technological, and political issues raised by ballistic missile defense. Eight contributors take an analytical approach to their areas of expertise, which include the relationship of missile defense to nuclear strategy, the nature and potential applications of current and future technologies, the views on missile defense in the Soviet Union and among the smaller nuclear powers, the meaning of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty for today's technology, and the present role and historical legacy of ballistic missile defense in the context of East-West relations. The volume editors give a comprehensive introduction to this wide range of subjects and an assessment of future prospects. In the final chapter, nine knowledgeable observers offer their varied personal views on the ballistic missile defense question.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0815713118/?tag=2022091-20
( William J. Perry and Ashton B. Carter, two of the world...)
William J. Perry and Ashton B. Carter, two of the world's foremost defense authorities, draw on their experience as leaders of the U.S. Defense Department to propose a new American security strategy for the twenty-first century. After a century in which aggression had to be defeated in two world wars and then deterred through a prolonged cold war, the authors argue for a strategy centered on prevention. Now that the cold war is over, it is necessary to rethink the risks to U.S. security. The A list--threats to U.S. survival--is empty today. The B list--the two major regional contingencies in the Persian Gulf and on the Korean peninsula that dominate Pentagon planning and budgeting--pose imminent threats to U.S. interests but not to survival. And the C list--such headline-grabbing places as Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, and Haiti--includes important contingencies that indirectly affect U.S. security but do not directly threaten U.S. interests. Thus the United States is enjoying a period of unprecedented peace and influence; but foreign policy and defense leaders cannot afford to be complacent. The authors' preventive defense strategy concentrates on the dangers that, if mismanaged, have the potential to grow into true A-list threats to U.S. survival in the next century. These include Weimar Russia: failure to establish a self-respecting place for the new Russia in the post-cold war world, allowing it to descend into chaos, isolation, and aggression as Germany did after World War I; Loose Nukes: failure to reduce and secure the deadly legacy of the cold war--nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons in Russia and the rest of the former Soviet Union; A Rising China Turned Hostile: failure to shape China's rise to Asian superpower status so that it emerges as a partner rather than an adversary; Proliferation: spread of weapons of mass destruction; and Catastrophic Terrorism: increase in the scope and intensity of transnational terrorism.They also argue for better management of the defense establishment so the United States will retain a strong military prepared to cope with all contingencies, deter aggressors, and win a conflict if deterrence fails.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0815713088/?tag=2022091-20
(In the past the USA has relied upon "spinoff" from its ma...)
In the past the USA has relied upon "spinoff" from its massive defence research and development spending to enrich commercial technology. In an era when US industry enjoyed a commanding lead over its international competitors, such spinoff was thought to be enough. But in today's globally competitive economy, a more direct approach is better suited to the needs of commercial markets. This book examines how the government and the private sector can boost America's technological competitiveness and how the two influence each others' technical activities. In a rapidly changing world, the authors argue, there needs to be critical reappraisal of traditional relationships between the military and industry. This book, which includes data, industry-specific case studies and analysis aims to offer such an appraisal. It should be of interest and value to technology managers and policy-makers in industry and government, as well as those concerned with technological and economic competitiveness.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0875843182/?tag=2022091-20
( During four decades of experience with nuclear weapons,...)
During four decades of experience with nuclear weapons, public awareness and discussion have focused on their basic properties and capabilitiesthe explosive power they contain, the technical capabilities of the missiles and aircraft that carry them, the size of the Soviet and American arsenals, and the magnitude of destruction those arsenals could accomplish. Yet little attention has been paid to the technologies, procedures, and organizational arrangements used to manage and control nuclear forces. Many assert the importance of command, control, communications, and intelligence” (C3I), but serious and detailed studies supporting that assertion are few. Managing Nuclear Operations provides a comprehensive and detailed examination of U.S. Nuclear operations and command and control. The contributors, experienced in operations and C3I., discuss peace-time safety and control of nuclear weapons worldwide, the survival under nuclear attack of the reasonable command authorities presupposed by deterrence theory, and the means for terminating nuclear war before it escalates to all-out exchanges. They describe command posts, warning sensors, communications technologies, the selection of nuclear targets, and the exercise of political authority over nuclear operations. The decisionmaking process of command and control is examined, as are the various perspectives of the decisionmakers.
http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0815713134/?tag=2022091-20
educator government agency executive physicist
Carter, Ashton Baldwin was born on September 24, 1954 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States. Son of William Stanley and Ann Baldwin Carter.
Bachelor in Physics, Yale University, 1976; Bachelor in Medieval History, Yale University, 1976; Doctor of Philosophy in Theoretical Physics, Oxford (England) University, 1979.
Analyst Office Technology Assessment, Washington, 1980-1981. Research analyst, Office of Secretary Defense United States Department Defense, 1981-1982. Research fellow Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1982-1984.
Assistant professor John F. Kennedy School Government, Harvard University, 1984-1986, associate professor, 1986-1988, Ford Foundation professor Science and International Affairs, associate director Center for Science and International Affairs, 1988-1990, director Center for Science & International Affairs, 1990-1993, Ford Foundation professor science & international affairs, 1996—2009. Assistant secretary for international security policy United States Department Defense, Washington, 1993-1996, under secretary for acquisition, technical & logistics, since 2009. Member Defense Science Board, Washington, 1990-1993, 97—, Defense Political Board, Washington, since 1997.
Advisor National Academy of Sciences, since 1990, American Association for the Advancement of Science, since 1988, White House Office of Science & Technology Policy, 1990-1993, Joint Chiefs Staff. Co-director, Preventive Defense Project, John F Kennedy School Government. Co-chair, Catastrophic Terrorism Study Group, 1997, deputy to William J. Perry, North Korea Policy Review, 1998-2000, member, National Academy of Sciences Committee on Science & Technology for Combatting Terrorism, 2001-2002.
Trustee MITRE Corporation.
( During four decades of experience with nuclear weapons,...)
(At the moment, the revision of security policy and the fo...)
(In the past the USA has relied upon "spinoff" from its ma...)
( Defense against nuclear attack—so natural and seemingly...)
( William J. Perry and Ashton B. Carter, two of the world...)
Member American Physical Society (Forum award 1988), Council Foreign Relations, International Institute Strategic Studies, Phi Beta Kappa.
Married Ava Clayton Spencer, August 6, 1983. Children: William A., Ava Clayton.